Culture Of Deo " Deo Samaj "

Culture Of Deo

Maithili, an Eastern Indic language, is spoken in Mithila. Maithili has previously been considered a dialect of both Hindi and Bengali. Today Maithili, is recognized in theEighth Schedule of Indian official languages. Maithili sounds sweet and soft to outsiders, who often cannot tell whether an argument is taking place. In southern districts of Mithila Angika is spoken.

The Mithila region is rich with culture and traditions. People respect their parents, believe in peaceful life and have a strong belief in God. They worship the goddess of Power Durga. Every home of Mithila has own God or Goddess named Kuldevta. They generally live in larger families. The Hindu festivals are widely celebrated : Makar Sankranti(14 January), Basant Panchami, Shivratri.Holi, Ram Navami, New Year(Mesha Sankranti on 14 April usually, Janaki Navami(Baishakh Shukla 9), Batsavitri, Madhushravani, Nagpanchami, Rakshabandhan,KrishnaJanmashtami,Chauth Chandra, Durga Puja, Kojagara(Sharad Purnima), Diwali, Bhatridwitiya, Chhathi, Akshya Navami, Devotthan Ekadashi, Sama Chakeba,Kartik Purnima, Vivaha Panchami,etc. in which some are specific in Mithila e.g.Chauth Chandra when Ganesh Chaturthi in Bhadrapad is celebrated rest of India) and Indra Puja in Ashwin Krishna Paksha and So Bhatridwitiya and Sama Chakeba in Kartik Shuklapaksha-are festivals for brothers and sisters apart from Rakhabandhan as in other parts of Indian subcontinent.

A Mundan ceremony in Mithila.

A Mundan ceremony in Mithila.

The Mundan ceremony is a very popular tradition in Mithila. A child's hair is shaved for the first time, accompanied by bhoj (a party) and (sometimes extravagant) celebrations.

The Maithili marriage traditions are important to the people and unique to the region. The custom includes four days of marriage ceremonies called: Barsait,Chautrthi, Madhushravni, Kojagara, and finally Dwiragman (the first homecoming of the bride). The marriage is traditionally fixed using complex genealogical tables, called Panjiamong Brahmins, “Deo-Chaudhary “ Deo and Karna Kayasthas which are maintained by Panjikars, a special group of Brahmins who prevent marriages among relatives up to sixth degree in Matripaksha and seventh in Pitripakksha.

The name Mithila is also used to refer to a style of Hindu art, Madhubani art, created in the Mithila area. This art originated as ritual geometric and symbolic decorations on the walls and floors of a house, generally done by women before a marriage. The custom was not known to many outside the region. After paper was brought to the area, women began to sell their artwork and expand their subjects to popular and local Hindu deities as well as to the depiction of everyday events. Ganga Devi is perhaps the most famous Mithila artist; her work includes traditional ritual Mithila decorations, depictions of popular deities, scenes from the Ramayana, and events in her own life.

Folk stories A small film industry also exists. Of the many movies produced in Mailthili,"Sasta Jingi Mahag Senoor" and "Mamta Gabe Geet" are perhaps the best known.Off late " Sindurdan " also collected accolades. Among the documentary films that best presents the unparalleled cultural richness of Mithila are "The Cultural Heritage of Mithila" which showcases Pamaria, Pachania, Bhaant, Panaji-Prabandh, Sama-Chakeva, Salhes naach and Salhes gaatha gaayan, Kamla-Pooja etc. and "Mithila Paintings" which showcases the insights into the past, present and emerging forms of the Mithila Paintings.

Maithili (মৈথিলী Maithilī) is a language spoken in the eastern part of India, mainly in the Indian state of Bihar, and in the eastern Terai region of Nepal.^[1]

It is an offshoot of the Indo-Aryan languages, which are part of the Indo-Iranian, a branch of the Indo-European languages. Linguists consider Maithili to be an Eastern Indic language, and thus a different language from Hindi, which is Central Indic in origin. According to the 2001 census in India, 12,179,122 people speak Maithili, but various organizations have strongly argued that the actual number of Maithili speakers is much higher than the official data suggests. SIL estimates it to be more than 35 Million. In 2003, Maithili was included in the Eighth Schedule of the Indian Constitution, which now allows the language to be used in education, government, and other official contexts. Maithili has a very rich literary and cultural heritage.

Maithili was traditionally written in the Maithili script (also known by the names Tirhutaand Mithilakshar) and Kaithi script. Nowadays, Devanagari script is most commonly used. An effort is underway to preserve the Maithili script and to develop it for use in digital media by encoding the script in the Unicode standard, for which proposals have been submitted.^[2]

The term Maithili comes from Mithila, which was an independent state in ancient times. Mithila has a very important place in Hindu mythology, since it is regarded as the birth place of Goddess Sita, the daughter of King Janak of Mithila; who eventually gets married to Lord Rama.

The most famous literary figure in Maithili is the poet Vidyapati. He is credited for raising the importance of 'people's language', i.e. Maithili, in the official work of the state by influencing the Maharaja of Darbhanga with the quality of his poetry. The state's official language used to be Sanskrit, which distanced common people from the state and its functions. The name Maithili is also one of the names of Sita, the consort of Rama.

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The name Maithili is derived from the word Mithila, an ancient kingdom of which KingJanaka was the ruler (See Ramayana). Maithili is also one of the names of Sita, the wife of King Rama and daughter of King Janaka.

It is a fact that scholars in Mithila used Sanskrit for their literary work and Maithili was the language of the common folk (Abahatta). The earliest work in Maithili appears to be Varna(n) Ratnakar by Jyotirishwar Thakur dated about 1324

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मिथिला समारोह में चित्रित संस्कृति "Mithila Culture Depicted in Festivals"

"नव संवत् मुझे नव संचार भरे जग की नौसेना चांदनी; नव आशा के कलश Sajakar, मंगलमय करे संसार" आप सभी माहनुभाओ का आभिवादन नव वर्ष संवत २०६८ की हार्दिक बधाई नयाँ बर्ष २०६८.

त्योहारों किसी भी संस्कृति का चित्रण कर रहे हैं. पीपुल्स विचार, शैली और भावनाओं त्योहारों के माध्यम से व्यक्त कर रहे हैं. त्योहारों भी प्यार, देखभाल और समाज में आपसी समझ को नवीनीकृत. त्यौहार भी स्थानीय संस्कृति और परंपरा की अभिव्यक्ति में एक विशेष स्थान पर कब्जा. मिथिला क्षेत्र है, जो संस्कृति के एक गोदाम के रूप में माना जाता है कैलेंडर वर्ष भर में विभिन्न उत्सव मनाया. वहाँ मुश्किल से एक महीने जब त्योहार के किसी भी प्रकार के क्षेत्र में नहीं मनाया जाता है. यही कारण है कि मिथिला भी देश का उत्सव-क्षेत्र के रूप में जाना जा सकता है. मिथिला क्षेत्र अधिकतर हिंदू लोग का निवास है, इसलिए त्योहारों के सबसे मिथिला में मनाया जाता है आम त्यौहार हिन्दू समुदाय द्वारा मनाया जाता है. हालांकि, वहाँ मिथिला में कुछ त्योहारों, जो देश के किसी अन्य हिस्से में नहीं मनाया जाता है.

मिथिला: संक्षिप्त परिचय

आम तौर पर, जनकपुर के निकट क्षेत्र मिथिला क्षेत्र के रूप में माना जाता है. कुछ साल पहले, जनकपुर भी मिथिला के रूप में जाना जाता था. लेकिन समय के पाठ्यक्रम में, पहले से Bideha रूप में जाना जाता क्षेत्र का नाम मिथिला से प्रसिद्ध हो गया. Bideha या मिथिला क्षेत्र की सीमाओं Brihad Bishnupuran में विस्तार से बताया गया है, जिसमें कहा गया है कि कोशी के पूर्व में, Gandaki पश्चिम में, उत्तर और दक्षिण में गंगा क्षेत्र के बीच में हिमालय मिथिला की Broder क्षेत्र हैं. अनुसार भूवैज्ञानिक स्थान पर, मिथिला क्षेत्र 25.48 · में 26.52 ° उत्तरी अक्षांश और 84.56 के लिए झूठ 86.46 ° पूर्वी देशान्तर तक °. Nowdays, संस्कृति के आधार पर, पूर्वी Jhapa के बीच पश्चिम में पारस के लिए झूठ बोल जिलों मिथिला क्षेत्र के रूप में माना जाता है. भाषा के अनुसार, हालांकि, सिर्फ Morang, Sunsari, Saptari, Siraha, Dhanusa, Mahottari, Sarlahi और मिथिला क्षेत्र के अंतर्गत Rautahat गिरावट की तरह जिलों. भारतीय पक्ष में मधुबनी, दरभंगा, Sitamadi, सुपौल, Sarasha, मधेपुरा, अरारिया, Kishangunj, Mujjaffarpur, समस्तीपुर, हाजीपुर, पूर्णिया, कटिहार, Khagariya, Begusaraya, भागलपुर, Sahibgunj, बांका, Godda, Devghar और तरह बिहार राज्य के जिलों मिथिला क्षेत्र के तहत मुंगेर गिर जाते हैं. इन जिलों को बिहार Maithai भाषाओं, जॉर्ज Griyarsan पर प्रसिद्ध विशेषज्ञ द्वारा तैयार की भाषा बोलने वाले जिलों के नक्शे में गिर जाते हैं.

वहाँ विभिन्न मिथिला के बारे में कैसे अपने नाम मिल गया धारणाएं हैं. अधिकांश लोग मानते हैं कि मिथिला अपने नाम मिल गया से ऋषि मीठी कहा जाता है. लेकिन, विद्वानों का मानना ​​है कि शब्द 'मिथिला' से orginate था शब्द 'Manth' है, जो और अधिक प्रासंगिक लगता है. Padini के अनुसार, दुश्मनों के मंथन (पोंछते) इस जगह में प्रदर्शन किया गया इसलिए यह हो गया है मिथिला के रूप में नाम दिया. हालांकि, अन्य साहित्यिक आंकड़े Yashodhar झा की तरह, डा. राजेन्द्र विमल का तर्क है कि वास्तव में मंथन विचार और शास्त्र का प्रदर्शन किया था. यहां तक ​​कि अगर हम मिथिला के इतिहास को देखो हम पा सकते हैं कि यह हमेशा बौद्धिक बहस के लिए एक विशेष स्थान के रूप में लिया गया है. छह (दर्शन) चार दर्शन में न्याय, सांख्य Mimisa, और Vaisesik मिथिला में हुआ था. गौतम, कपिल, Kanad, जनक, Aastabikra, मंडन, Banaspati, सीता, Aahilya, Gagri, भारती, Lakhima, Jyotirishwor, Bidhyapati आदि जैसे scholers का जन्म स्थान होने के नाते, कुछ बिंदु साबित होता है.



इस तरह के एक उज्जवल है और गहरा इतिहास होने के बावजूद, मिथिला खो दिया है और कई दशकों से दुनिया के नक्शे में जगह पहचान है. मिथिला राज्य खुद भी राजा जनक वंश के पतन और यमन के हमले के बाद, लेकिन अधिक से अधिक नेपाल में राज्य के राजा Prithivi नारायण शाह द्वारा एकीकरण के बाद फर्म पकड़ है, उसका नाम पूरी तरह से नक्शे की थी सफाया किया था. हालांकि, यह संभावना सांस्कृतिक और बौद्धिक क्षमता की अनुमति नहीं अपनी पहचान खोने के बाद भी दूर नहीं हो पाती थी. हालांकि राष्ट्र हमेशा विविधता के बीच में मिथिला क्षेत्र की ओर उदासीनता, वैज्ञानिक कृषि प्रणाली निम्नलिखित, एकता दिखाया, प्रकृति आदि की पूजा की व्यवस्था के साथ, Maithi राष्ट्रीयता की रोशनी में चमक जारी रखा. मिथिला इस सकारात्मक यह त्योहारों और अन्य सांस्कृतिक गतिविधियों के लिए संलग्न पोशाक व्यक्त करता है.

आम तौर पर, जबकि मिथिला के बारे में समझा तराई या Madhesh और उन क्षेत्रों के मुद्दों के रूप में संबोधित किया है लेख में इस तरह की उम्मीद कर रहे हैं. हालांकि, तराई और Madhesh केवल एक विशेष क्षेत्र का प्रतिनिधित्व करते हुए मिथिला एक पूरे के रूप में एक राष्ट्रीयता है. इतना ही नहीं, भाषा और क्षेत्र के आधार पर, लेकिन यह भी त्योहारों, सांस्कृतिक गतिविधियों और जीवन शैली के आधार पर, मिथिला तराई या Madhesh क्षेत्र के क्षेत्रों से अद्वितीय है. Chathi तरह त्योहार है, जो एक शुद्ध मिथिला त्योहार है राष्ट्र द्वारा तराई Madhesh का त्योहार के रूप में स्थापित किया गया है. मीडिया भी एक ही फैशन में इस publicizes. वास्तविकता में, तथापि, पश्चिमी तराई में लोगों को ही इस त्यौहार के बारे में सुना के बाद सरकार त्योहार के दौरान सार्वजनिक अवकाश की घोषणा की. इसी तरह, मिथिला क्षेत्र के बाहर लोगों की सबसे Chaurchan Jitiya, Judsital, लाबान Dashain त्योहार के दौरान समा-Chakewa भी आदि की तरह अपनी विशेष त्योहारों के बारे में कोई विचार नहीं है, मिथिला में लोगों में देवी दुर्गा की पूजा करते हुए लोग मनाया पश्चिमी तराई प्रभु राम द्वारा रावण का निष्पादन देख कर त्योहार मनाते हैं.

मिथिला का समारोह:

इस क्षेत्र में लोगों को हमेशा एक के लिए खुद को संगीत, नृत्य और विभिन्न सांस्कृतिक गतिविधियों की प्रस्तुति के माध्यम से मनोरंजन करने के मौके के लिए खोज रहे हैं. परंपरागत रूप से, मिथिला में आम लोग कृषि पर निर्भर हैं. जब भी वे खेती से कुछ ख़ाली समय मिलता है, वे खुद को मज़ा और मनोरंजन में शामिल है. यद्यपि विशेष काम के हर शुरुआत क्षेत्र में एक सांस्कृतिक उत्सव के रूप में माना गया है, को त्योहारों के माध्यम से मनोरंजन करने के लिए उत्सुक लोगों Ashoj और कार्तिक के महीने में, जहां वे अपने क्षेत्र में कड़ी मेहनत पूरा करने के बाद मनोरंजन के रिंग में कूद दौरान पंख मिलता है. तो मिथिला के त्यौहार की एक कभी न खत्म होने श्रृंखला शुरू होता है.

मिथिला में त्योहारों में से अधिकांश धार्मिक विचारों के साथ जुड़े हुए हैं. Fagu (होली) पूर्णिमा है, जो पूरी तरह मस्ती का त्योहार है धर्म के साथ संबंधित है में भी, केवल भगवान के लिए रंगों की पेशकश के बाद शुरू होता है. फिर भी, त्योहारों के अन्य पहलुओं को भी उतना ही महत्वपूर्ण है. यहां तक ​​कि त्योहारों कि मनाया धार्मिक विश्वास के साथ पूरी तरह से कर रहे हैं, हमें प्रोत्साहित करने के लिए मेहनती हो सकता है और आपसी सौहार्द के साथ आगे प्रकृति के साथ कदम है और हमें सिखाता है दुनिया की बेहतरी के लिए काम करने के लिए. इसलिए त्योहारों मिथिला में मनाया सामान्य रूप में नौ प्रकार में विभाजित किया जा सकता है. वे हैं:



1. Dashami, Shukarati, Judshital, Vivahpanchami, Ramnawami, जानकी Nawami, झूलन, Krishnastami, कार्तिक पूर्णिमा, Sarastwati पूजा, होली, Mahabiri आदि झंडा: महोत्सव जोय और मज़ा करने के लिए संबंधित

2. त्योहार कृषि और जानवरों के साथ संबंधित: Gabalaggi, Kadapakhar, लाबान, श्री पंचमी, Godhan, Gabaha, Sakraniti, Pakheb (Hurhuri), आदि Janar कृषि संबंधित त्योहारों के रूप में मनाया जाता है.

3. वैवाहिक जीवन से संबंधित समारोह: सफलता, और वैवाहिक जीवन Maithali महिलाओं Barisait, Madhushrawani, Tusari, सांझ, Hariso, Kojagara, आदि Sombari जैसे त्योहारों का जश्न मनाने की लंबी उम्र के खुशी के लिए

4. त्योहार भाइयों और बहनों के बीच स्नेह के साथ संबंधित: भाई Tika है मिथिला में एक प्रमुख त्यौहार भाई और बहन के बीच प्यार का त्योहार के रूप में मनाया जाता है. इस त्योहार में Maithali Bhardutiya कहा जाता है. इसी प्रकार, अन्य समारोहों समा-Chakewa और Rakshya बंधन रहे हैं.

5. त्योहारों परिवार की समृद्धि के साथ संबंधित: मिथिला में महिलाओं को लंबा और उनके परिवार के सदस्यों के जीवन की समृद्धि के लिए Jitiya मनाते हैं. Chhati Ghari, और Chaurchan कर रहे हैं अन्य त्योहारों परिवार के सदस्यों की समृद्धि के लिए मनाया.

6. Pitripakshya, Matrinawami, कुशी आदि Amawasya: महोत्सव माता पिता के साथ जुड़े

7. पर्यटन महोत्सव: मिथिला परिक्रमा, Pushi पूर्णिमा, Bolbam यात्रा, Salhesh आदि मेला

8. शहीदों महोत्सव: Bidhyapati स्मृति समारोह, Salhesh आदि जयंती

9. शुद्ध धार्मिक समारोह: (Devothhan) Devuthaon, एकादशी, Nirjala एकादशी, Harisayani एकादशी, Nagpanchami, शिव ratri, Aananta पूजा, माघ सप्तमी, Wakpanchak, मिथिला क्षेत्र के शुद्ध धार्मिक त्योहारों के तहत Jestha Dasahara आदि आते हैं.

जातीय समूहों के विभिन्न शहीदों के साथ संबंधित त्योहारों को भी समूह के भीतर में समान महत्व के साथ मनाया. इसी तरह, मिथिला में रहने वाले मुसलमानों को ईद, Bakra ईद, Moharam, Ramjan आदि मिथिला जीवन शैली और संस्कृति के प्रभाव Jharri मुस्लिम समुदाय ने प्रदर्शन किया नृत्य के दौरान देखा जा सकता है जैसे त्योहारों मनाते हैं.

प्रमुख त्योहारों और उनकी विशेषता

संस्कृति के लिए कृषि के साथ इस क्षेत्र में और अधिक विकसित किया जा रहा है. कृषि के इस प्रकार संस्कृति की मां के रूप में कहा जा सकता है. मिथिला पूरी तरह से कृषि पर निर्भर है, इसलिए सांस्कृतिक समृद्धि क्षेत्र में पाया जा सकता है. के रूप में त्योहार को व्यक्त करने और संस्कृति वर्तमान माध्यम है, विभिन्न त्योहारों क्षेत्र में बहुतायत में पाया जा सकता है. कुछ प्रमुख त्योहारों मिथिला क्षेत्र में मनाया जाता है नीचे संक्षेप में समझाया गया है:



Dashami:

Dashami मिथिला क्षेत्र के सबसे बड़े त्योहार है. लोकप्रिय नेपाली में Dashain के रूप में जाना, यह भी Dashami, Berjaya Dashami, Dasahara, जार हालांकि विभिन्न छोटे त्योहारों क्षेत्र में मनाया जाता है, आदि Berjaya Dashami के महत्व को कभी नहीं कम है के रूप में जाना जाता है. वहाँ एक ग़लतफ़हमी है कि तराई Madhesh और मिथिला क्षेत्र में लोगों Dashain और तिहाड़ होली और चैट के रूप में मनाने नहीं कर रहे हैं केवल मीडिया में इन क्षेत्रों के त्यौहार के रूप में चित्रित किया है. वास्तव में, जैसा कि इस क्षेत्र में अन्य त्योहारों को भी बराबर महत्व के साथ मनाया extravagantly, Dashain क्षेत्र में एक महत्वपूर्ण त्योहार के रूप में प्रकट नहीं होता है. पहाड़ी क्षेत्रों, जहां बड़े समारोहों अन्य त्योहारों पर नहीं किया जाता है में, मीडिया आम तौर पर उनकी सबसे बड़ी त्यौहार के रूप में Dashain और तिहाड़ चित्रित.

Berjaya Dashami आम तौर पर एक मानसून के मौसम के अंत के बाद आता है, इस त्योहार के दौरान, इसलिए पूरे साफ किया जाता है आसपास, घर चित्रित है और नए कपड़े बच्चों के लिए लाया जाता है. देवी दुर्गा के कई मूर्तियों को विभिन्न क्षेत्रों में स्थापित कर रहे हैं. यह मुश्किल एक गांव है, जहां देवी दुर्गा की मूर्ति स्थापित है या नहीं मेला (पर्व) संगठित नहीं है मिल जाएगा करने के लिए. Sakreswori भगवती में एक विशाल मेला जनकपुर में Chhinamasta-Sakhada, Bhardaha में Kankalini भगवती और Rajdevi भगवती मंदिर में स्थित हर साल इस उत्सव के दौरान आयोजित किया जाता है. पुरुषों पवित्र Nawaratra और मंत्र Durgakawach दौरान और स्थानों दुर्गा मंदिर जाना है जबकि कुछ पूजा अपने ही घर में देवी. दूसरी ओर महिलाओं उपवास पूजा हर रोज देवी लेने और भेंट प्रदान करते हैं. Maithali लोग इस धार्मिक पोशाक और पवित्र आत्मा के द्वारा Dashain के दस दिन (Ghatasthapna से Dashami जब तक) के दौरान घिरा हुआ है.

मिथिला में, Dashami त्योहार है कि को बढ़ावा देता है और संगीत और कला को बरकरार रखता है के रूप में माना जाता है. विभिन्न नाटकों और संगीत कार्यक्रमों Kojagrat पूर्णिमा को सातवें दिन (सप्तमी) से संगठित किया गया है. इस त्योहार में भी विभिन्न धार्मिक संगीत एलबम की बिक्री के लिए पीक समय है. Dashami भी समुदाय की प्रसिद्ध नृत्य Jhijhiya बरकरार रखता है. हालांकि इस Jhijhiya बुराइयों से मुक्त समाज बनाने के लिए किया जाता है, यह भी मैथिली, महिलाओं, जो हमेशा में जिम्मेदारी का पर्दे के पीछे छिपे रहने के लिए एक अवसर के लिए स्वतंत्र तोड़ रहा है. इस नृत्य के दौरान, सभी महिलाओं को इकट्ठा और समुदाय के हर घर में नृत्य प्रदर्शन करते हैं. Dashami में Kojagrat पूर्णिमा भी वैवाहिक गतिविधियों से संबंधित है और कुछ समुदायों में अधिक महत्व के साथ मनाया. इस दौरान, यह परंपरागत पान और माखन खाते हैं हर किसी के लिए compulsary है. इसी तरह, त्योहार भी कहा जाता है जो किसी भी Jatara Maithali beginging लिए एक अच्छा समय मतलब है. यह माना जाता है कि सभी दस दिशाओं Dashami दौरान खुले रहने की तो यह है कि किसी को भी इस समय के दौरान काम शुरू होता है, वह काम में सफलता मिल माना जाता है.

Sukarati:

तिहाड़ के दौरान Dipawali Sukarati रूप में मिथिला में जाना जाता है कि एक आनंदमय रात का मतलब है. के रूप में देवी लक्ष्मी, सुख के स्रोत के रूप में रात माना जाता है जब वह है Sukarati बुलाया गया है पूजा की जाती है. कई स्थानों में, लोगों को अपने आसपास और अपने घर दिन साफ ​​इस त्योहार से पहले. Sukarati पर, परिवार के मुखिया के घर के हर कमरे में Unk (एक क्रॉस जूट अंत से बने चिह्न) दिखाता है, देवी लक्ष्मी आमंत्रित. कुछ स्थानों में, काली देवी भी पूजा की जाती है.

Sukarati के दौरान, घर है मोमबत्तियाँ और पर्यावरण के उज्ज्वल बनाने के लिए और कीट और कीड़े जो मानसून के मौसम के दौरान पैदा होते हैं मार diyo साथ हल्का. dipawali के बाद, हर युवा लोगों के समुदाय में घरों पर जाएँ और अपने बड़ों से आशीर्वाद लो. यह एक दूसरे को जो इस त्यौहार के विशेष पहलुओं की है के बीच सभी कठोर महसूस washes. अगर किसी को किसी के घर की यात्रा नहीं करता है तो यह माना जाता है कि वह / वह प्रतिद्वंद्विता prolong चाहता है. Sukarati की सुबह में, परिवार के मुखिया महिला घर से टकराने nanglo के हर कमरे की यात्रा (एक विशेष बर्तन) और 'लक्ष्मी आओ, दूर दुर्भाग्य जाने' जप. यह, एक व्यावहारिक तरीके से, सब लोग जाग जल्दी जिसका अर्थ है सभी को और अधिक उत्पादकता कि अंततः बीमार भाग्य आसान बनाता है और लक्ष्मी (धन) घर में आता बढ़ती घंटे के लिए काम कर सकते हैं.

दो महत्वपूर्ण त्यौहारों भी Sukarati त्योहार के साथ जुड़े आते हैं. Sukarati, एक जानवर Pakheba से संबंधित त्योहार के अगले पर गोवर्धन पूजा के साथ मनाया जाता है, जबकि भाई Tika भी Bhardutiya कहा जाता है, तीसरे दिन मनाया जाता है. हालांकि Bhardutiya अलग देश के विभिन्न हिस्से में नाम और शैली के साथ मनाया जाता है, इस त्योहार के पीछे मुख्य मकसद भाइयों और बहनों के बीच स्नेह व्यक्त है. Pakheba, दूसरे हाथ पर, मिथिला की पारंपरिक त्योहार है. इस त्योहार के दौरान, घरेलू पशुओं सजाया हैं और विशेष खाद्य पदार्थों उन्हें प्रदान कर रहे हैं. शाम में, सभी जानवरों एक खुले क्षेत्र है, जहां एक सुअर केंद्र में बंधा हुआ है में इकट्ठे हुए हैं. गाय और भैंस को अपने सींग के साथ सुअर को मारने के लिए प्रोत्साहित कर रहे हैं. सुअर की क्रूर हत्या इस त्योहार की नकारात्मक भाग के रूप में लिया जा सकता है.

Chhathi

सूरज, Chhathi त्योहार, पूजा के प्रसिद्ध त्योहार जल्दी मिथिला क्षेत्र में एक बार मनाया जाता ही था. हालांकि Chhathi त्योहार बेहद जनकपुर, Birgunj, दरभंगा, पटना आदि जैसे बड़े शहरों में मनाया जाता है, यह केवल एक ग्रामीण त्योहार है. यह कृषि और लोक परंपरा के साथ एक गहरा संबंध है. सांस्कृतिक एकता और सामाजिक सद्भाव, Chhathi के दो पहलू हैं, अभी भी गांवों में संरक्षित है. त्योहार अमीर और गरीब और न ही बनाता है जाति, सम्प्रदाय और लिंग के आधार पर अपवाद के बीच भेदभाव नहीं करता.

वहाँ एक धारणा है कि सत्तर आइटम जबकि भगवान को प्रसाद भेंट तैयार किया जाना चाहिए है. मूली, गाजर, लहसुन, नारंगी, केला, नारियल, आदि दही आमतौर जबकि प्रसाद की तैयारी कर ली गई हैं. अगर किसी को seventy मदों तो तैयार विफल रहता है, एक देवता के लिए Gamahri चावल की पेशकश कर सकते हैं. खाद्य पदार्थों है कि प्रसाद के रूप में उपयोग किया जाता है या तैयार किया जा सकता प्रस्तावक खुद से खेती की. इसलिए, इस त्योहार नहीं है पर आर्थिक मानक दिखाने के बजाय इसे कृषि के क्षेत्र में शामिल लोगों की कड़ी मेहनत का एक परीक्षण है. इसके अलावा, अलग धर्म के अनुयायी भी खुद को त्योहार है जो समाज में धार्मिक सद्भाव बनाए रखने में मदद की है में शामिल है.

इस त्योहार का सबसे अच्छा हिस्सा अपने समय, शैली और आनंदपूर्ण माहौल है. करने के लिए और से नजदीकी या सुबह और शाम में रोशनी के साथ नदी तालाब चलने भक्तों की लाइन के चित्रमाला बस कमाल है. जब महिलाओं को पानी के स्रोतों और विभिन्न पूजा गाने गा सूर्य के चारों ओर इकट्ठा, धार्मिक सुगंध के साथ पूरे वातावरण भर जाता है.

Chhati शक्ति और समृद्धि के त्योहार के रूप में माना जाता है. सूर्य और पानी, जो इस महोत्सव के दौरान पूजा की जाती है अपार ऊर्जा के स्रोत हैं. यह जो लोग इस त्योहार का निरीक्षण त्वचा रोगों के सभी तरह से सकारात्मक ऊर्जा और स्वतंत्रता प्राप्त है कि माना जाता है. के रूप में प्रदूषित पानी त्वचा रोगों का मुख्य स्रोत है, इस त्योहार हमें सिखाता है अपने जल संसाधनों को साफ रखें. स्वास्थ्य मानव की सबसे बड़ी संपत्ति है. एक स्वस्थ जीवन अंततः समृद्धि को बढ़ावा मिलेगा. इस त्योहार केला, अदरक के दौरान, लहसुन आदि एक गुच्छा है कि हमें एकता का पाठ सिखाता है की पेशकश कर रहे हैं.

Madhushrawani:

Madhushrawani मिथिला क्षेत्र में हनीमून के पारंपरिक त्योहार है. इस त्योहार के पहले श्रवण, अंतरंगता के महीने के रूप में माना में आयोजित किया जाता है शादी के बाद. आज के शिक्षित समाज के विपरीत, अतीत में समाज यौन शिक्षा के बारे में अनजान था. इसलिए, इस त्योहार को newlywed जोड़ी के लिए सेक्स के साथ प्रयोग करने के लिए एक खुले वातावरण बनाने के लिए मनाया गया. इस दौरान, सेक्स के बारे में सैद्धांतिक ज्ञान भी इसलिए गांव, घर बनाने के लिए किया जाता है कामुक व्यवस्था के बाहर एक रोमांटिक जगह के लिए जोड़े को भेजने के बजाय दिया जाता है.



Madhushrawani त्योहार 13-15 दिन जहां उसके दोस्तों के साथ गांव के चारों ओर newlywed दुल्हन भटक फूल एकत्र करने के लिए रहता है. उनकी बातचीत के दौरान, अनुभवी महिलाओं, सेक्स के बारे में newlywed और अनुभवहीन दुल्हन सिखाने. इसलिए, के बजाय महंगे विदेशी हनीमून संस्कृति निम्नलिखित, एक हनीमून के लिए स्थानीय मिथिला संस्कृति का अनुसरण कर सकते हैं.



Judshital

Judshital त्योहार मिथिला का नया साल है जो कि 1 Baisakh पर पड़ता है निशान. मिथिला क्षेत्र में भी भारत, वे अभी भी बिक्रम Sambat कैलेंडर का पालन करने के लिए इस नए साल का जश्न मनाने. इस त्योहार के दौरान Maithali लोग जानकारीपूर्ण कार्यक्रमों के विभिन्न प्रकारों का आयोजन.



शब्द Judshital दो शब्दों से ली गई है: जो 'जमात' आशीर्वाद और इसका मतलब है 'Shital' ठंडा मतलब है. मिथिला क्षेत्र Baisakh के महीने के बाद भीषण गर्मी का सामना इसलिए, इस त्योहार के लिए एक शांत वातावरण लाने के लिए मनाया जाता है. यह त्यौहार भी त्योहार सफाई और स्पष्टता के रूप में माना जाता है. लोगों के लिए अनिवार्य इस त्योहार के दौरान Satu खाने के लिए है. इसी तरह, Badi और Chiraito अन्य इस त्योहार में महत्वपूर्ण खाद्य वस्तुओं रहे हैं. हमारे वर्तमान संदर्भ में, हमारी संस्कृति और प्राकृतिक पर्यावरण के संरक्षण के पहलू पर, इस त्योहार महत्वपूर्ण माना जा सकता है.



मिथिला परिक्रमा

मिथिला परिक्रमा फाल्गुन के महीने में नया चाँद दिन से शुरू होता है. एक Dhanusa जिले में Kachuri गांव में स्थित Mithilabihari बुलाया मंदिर से राम Jankai का रथ जनकपुर में राम मंदिर Jankai लिए लाया जाता है. उसके बाद, राम जानकी मंदिर और अन्य रथों क्षेत्र में विभिन्न अन्य मंदिरों एक साथ और फिर से लाया जाता है Jananki का रथ मिथिला परिक्रमा शुरू होती है. परिक्रमा के प्रतिभागियों (भारत) Kalyaneshwor, (भारत) Girijasthan, (Mahottari) Matihani, (Mahottari) Jaleshwor, मादै (Mahottari), Dhurba (Mahottari) कुंदा, (Mahottari) Kanchanwan, Parwata जैसे विभिन्न क्षेत्रों में मिथिला रथ टहलने (Dhanusa), Dhanusadham (Dhanusa), Sattosar (Dhanusa), Aurahi (Dhanusa), करुणा (भारत), और Bishwal (भारत). चौथे दिन पर, जुलूस हनुमान नगर में आता है. उत्सव 15 वें दिन जब बारात जनकपुर में पंच कोष में जगह लेता है में समाप्त होता है. यह भी Panchkoshi परिक्रमा के रूप में जाना जाता है.



विद्वान Surkishor दास के बाद मिथिला की खोज की, दो Sotimatthi मंदिर का प्रसाद और सीता Barahi मंदिर के सुर दास नामक पुजारियों मिथिला में जुलूस की परंपरा शुरू कर दिया. चावल कटाई के बाद, मिथिला में लोग इस त्योहार का धार्मिक संभावना का उपयोग, एक समय के रूप में इस त्योहार का उपयोग करने के परिवार से मिलने बनाने और सांस्कृतिक, सामाजिक और धार्मिक गतिविधियों का एक हिस्सा हो. यह त्यौहार भी सौहार्दपूर्ण भारत और नेपाल के संबंध बनाए रखने और नेपाल में आंतरिक पर्यटकों की संख्या में वृद्धि में एक बड़ी भूमिका निभाता है.



Vidhyapati स्मृति महोत्सव:

Mahkavi Vidhyapati मिथिला क्षेत्र के भानु भक्त के रूप में माना जाता है. वह मैथिली भाषा के बारे में जागरूकता का प्रतीक है. Ethnological सर्वेक्षण के मुताबिक, Maithali भाषा विश्व के 26 सबसे अधिक बोली जाने वाली भाषा और नेपाल में पीछे नहीं है. Vidhyapati संस्कृत भाषा में लिखने के पारंपरिक तरीके से तोड़ दिया और अपने अपने निर्माण के लिए मातृभाषा मैथिली भाषा पीछा किया. उनकी मृत्यु के 700 वर्षों के बाद भी उनके साहित्यिक कृतियों अभी भी मिथिला क्षेत्र में लोकप्रिय है. उनकी कृतियों को भी उड़ीसा और दूसरों की तरह भारत के विभिन्न राज्यों में लोकप्रिय हैं.



मिथिला के लोग कार्तिक के महीने में Trayodashi तिथि पर Vidhyaparti स्मृति समारोह का पालन. इस त्योहार लेकिन एक ही दिन के लिए नहीं मनाया जाता है. यह 6-7 महीने के लिए जारी है. Vidhyapati क्षेत्र में विभिन्न स्थानों में विभिन्न कार्यक्रमों के माध्यम से याद किया जाता है.



निष्कर्ष:

वहाँ बहुत कुछ कर रहे हैं अन्य त्योहारों कि मिथिला क्षेत्र में मनाया जाता है, तथापि, वहाँ कोई त्यौहार मनाया जो बिना किसी कारण के नहीं हैं. मिथिला में त्योहारों उत्सवों के सबसे हमें प्रोत्साहित करने के लिए कड़ी मेहनत कर रहे हो के रूप में धार्मिक डींग मारने के लिए सीमित नहीं हैं. धार्मिक सद्भाव, आपसी समझ जातीय, प्रकृति के संरक्षण की तरह गतिविधियों, सफाई भी उन समारोहों में संरक्षित कर रहे हैं. इसी तरह, कला और संस्कृति भी उन त्योहारों के माध्यम से रक्षा कर रहे हैं.

गायन मिथिला क्षेत्र के हर त्योहार में अनिवार्य है. गाने के बिना, त्योहारों अधूरे हैं. विशेष रूप से महिलाओं के त्योहारों के दौरान एक समूह में गाने गाते हैं. इसी तरह, हर त्योहार क्षेत्र है जहां भगवान की पूजा है, में साफ किया है और विभिन्न चित्र के साथ चित्रित. इन चित्रों लोगों के यौन जीवन सहित जीवन के विभिन्न पहलुओं के बारे में जानकारी प्रदान करते हैं. महिलाओं के एक है जो इस तरह के चित्र ड्राइंग में अनुभव कर रहे हैं. विभिन्न मूर्तियों और मूर्तियां भी मधु Shrawani और Barisait दौरान तैयार हैं. Dashain भी Jhijhiya नृत्य संरक्षित रखा गया है. इस तरह, त्यौहार परंपरागत कला के संरक्षण Maithali में एक बड़ी भूमिका निभाई है. इसी प्रकार विभिन्न त्योहारों क्षेत्र में मनाया जाता है,, महिलाओं को उनके सामान्य जिम्मेदारी से मुक्त तोड़ने के लिए और पर्दे के पीछे काम करने के लिए एक अवसर प्रदान करता है. वे भी बदलने और उनके रचनात्मक पहलू को प्रोत्साहित करने में मदद.

हालांकि, राष्ट्र हमेशा एक भाषा और एक संस्कृति के प्रति पूर्वाग्रह किया गया है. यही कारण है कि मिथिला की त्योहारों के सकारात्मक पहलुओं और कभी नहीं किया गया पता चला है हमेशा छाया में बने रहे. करने के लिए देश, समाज और मानव समुदाय समृद्ध बनाने के लिए, त्योहारों के सभी सकारात्मक पहलुओं को पीछा किया और संरक्षित किया जा आवश्यकता होती है. इसी तरह, मिथिला के लोग दूसरों के बाद भाग नहीं होना चाहिए

Deo Picnic 2068 (देव बनभोज २०६८ )

सम्पूर्ण देव स्वजाती स हार्दिक अनुरोध जे निम्न मिती समय और स्थान मे देव स्वजाती लोकनिकक बनभोज कार्यक्र्म राखल गेल अछी ..... ताही के लेल समय मे नाम दर्ता क समय मे उपस्थिती के लेल हार्दिक अनुरोध करै छि


मिती :-२०६८-०१-१० गते शनिदिन

Location karyabinayak,kathmandu,Nepal (कार्यबिनायक ,काठमाडौं )


स्थान:-कार्यबिनायक ,काठमाडौं
सम्पर्क् :-९८४१२५८८६२,९८०४३४२७३०(दिपक)
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Created By Dipak Deo

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mailto:deo.poddar@groups.facebook.com,deo,%20society@groups.facebook.com,%20deosamaj@googlegroups.com

"DEO JATI KE ITIHAS' namak pustak prakashan kara jarahl 6i"

Samast Deo Swajati ke Naya brash 2068 Agrim Suvhakamna naya brash me naya dhanke soch se aagadi badhu ,,, Aur Judsital Ke hardaik Badhai AAi6. sal bhar tak judail rahu... .. Samast Deo bandhu Se Deo samaj aapek6a karai aai6 plz aapne sab Dipak Deo ji ke Sahayog kel jau je bahut hi jald doe jati ke History namak pustak parkasan karai ke bichar aai6... tahi hetu Samast Deo smuday sa deo samaj shayog ke aapek6a rakhai aai6."pratikiriya ke lel sav se pahine aahake dhanyabad....kamsekam aaha ta aahiciz sav me active 6i tahike lel humra bhut khusi lagal...devji ke pahchan nahi 6ai se baat nahi 6ai bas okra duniya ke aagadi dekhbaike 6ai..baat sehe 6ai...deo ji ke kon tarika sa aagadi badhbapadli thi ke lel aapne aap sa suru kar padat, magr aapna sav ke jati me ku6h ehan kisim ke bidambana 6ai..tahi chiz ke sav ke suikara padat..aur sudhara padat...ek ta kahabi 6ai sansar ke badlai ke 6ai ta suruwat aapne lag sa kara padat..baat rahalai picnic ke ta..picnik me sav swajati sab ke jamghat venai aapne me 1ta badka baat 6ai..je kono dosar karyakaram sa aaha nahi kara sakai 6i... phichan kena karwol jai thi ke lel aahu ke hardik aagraha je ahi picnic me aaib ke e sav baat par 6alfal kel jai...jaha tak deo samaj ke baat 6ai ta hum wahi deo samaj ke kono member nahi 6i...ki humar deo swajati vela ke karan humar naitikta nahi banai 6ai se ehan kisim ke karyakarm kari...bad baki jawaf deo samaj ke padadhikari jawaf det...aha aur smast deo swajati ke jankari ke lel ek ta jankari deba chhai 6i je..nikat bhavisya me humar prakashan me prasidha bidhwan ebam sahityakar RAM NARAYAN DEO duwara likhit "DEO JATI KE ITIHAS' namak pustak prakashan kara jarahl 6i jahi me samast deo swajati sa sahyog ke lel hardik anurodh karai 6i......"

 Bye Dipak Deo wrote

Who A Deo caste ? Nepalese of Indian origin, or Indian of Nepalese Madheshi origin or Bihari ??

Who A Deo caste ? Nepalese of Indian origin, or Indian of Nepalese Madheshi origin or Bihari ??
देव जाती की परीचय क्या है........ किस्से पुछू कौन बताएगा क्या है देव जाती की पेहचान. . .
Nepalese caste systemFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaJump to: navigation, search
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The Nepalese caste system, like the Indian caste system, is highly complex and continues the traditional system of social stratification of Nepal. The caste system defines social classes by a number of hierarchical endogamous groups often termed as Jāt. This custom is found in both the Hindu and Buddhist communities of Nepal; but not harsh in Buddhist communities. However, in Nepal people sometimes erroneously use word caste to mean their race or ethnicity. Nepal consist of three main ethnic groups, indigenous, Khas and Madhesi. The ethnic indigenous groups are a different race from Khas and Madhesi people, Khas people who themselves are distinct from Madhesi people. The caste system has traditionally existed in the two races (the Khas and Madhesis), not in indegenous people (such as Gurung, Tamang, Thakali, Magar, Sherpa, Mananggi, Mustanggi, Walunggi and so on). Where as most indigenous people who are ethnic Tibetans who practice Buddhism and they care less about caste, unlike Hindus.
Contents [hide]
1 History of the caste system in Nepal
2 Caste divisions
3 Legitimacy of the caste system
4 The supreme caste
4.1 Community engaged in sewing and music
4.2 Tanners and Cobblers
4.3 Community of Wandering Singers
4.4 Badi community
4.5 Kumal community
4.6 Dhobis
4.7 Untouchables in the Terai (Madhesh)
4.8 Newar community
5 Present situation
6 Remote western region
6.1 Haliya (Ploughmen's) system
6.2 Doli (Palanquin) system
6.3 Jari (Adultery) system
6.4 Dhan Khane/Chhangra (Dowry) system
7 Mid-Western region
8 Western region
9 Central region
10 Eastern region
11 Untouchables' initiatives for caste liberation
12 Caste untouchability abolition recommendations
13 Present condition
14 See also
15 References
16 External links

[edit] History of the caste system in NepalThe Nepalese civil code Muluki Ain (1854) was written by Jang Bahadur Rana after his European tour. It codified social codes in practice for several centuries in Nepal that was rooted in Vyavahāra (traditional Hindu legal procedure), Prāyaścitta (avoidance and removal of sin) and Ācāra (the customary law of different castes and communities). These three are collectively called Dharmaśāstra. A traditional Hindu king was duty-bound to put these precepts into practice.
Muluki Ain divided Nepalese citizens into two castes "the caste whose water is allowed to remain pure" and "the caste whose water is defiled". Chiefs of the various castes were entrusted with sorting out issues related to their own castes.[1] The heads of Kamis (blacksmiths) and Sarkis (tanners and cobblers) were called Mijhars. Similarly the head of Damai (tailors and musicians) was called Nagarchi. Castes of the first (non-defiling) category also had their chiefs. In this way community members might not need to go to courts or government offices to settle minor legal matters. Mijhars and Nagarchis, however, added to injustice and exploitation meted out to their respective communities. They were obviously influenced by their masters' natures.[citation needed] Like their masters, they never hesitated to do injustice against their own communities. No appeal was heard against them.
From the medieval period onward, people could lose status through caste demotion. People considering themselves superior used caste as a pretext for exploitation. The lower castes were prevented from entering temples, receiving education, listening to high-caste people's teachings, worshipping, planting Bar or Pipal trees, digging ponds, and participating in fairs and festivals. They could be exiled from the country for looking at a high-caste woman. If they encountered someone of higher caste they would have to step aside. They had to pay jadau (obeisance) to any higher caste person. They could be put to death for rebelling against caste rules. If someone from higher caste married a woman from lower caste, he was not eligible for legal intercession against jarikhat (adultery). A sacred thread-wearing or even non-thread-wearing person would need to be ritually purified if they were touched by an 'untouchable'. Two-way conversation with upper castes was banned for them. These discriminatory provisions of the civil code were based on Hindu scriptures like Parskar Grihyasutra, Gautam Sutra, Manusmṛti and Shukra Niti[2][3]. There was no provision for lower-caste participation in the economic, social, cultural and administrative spheres. They had to survive on low-paid manual work such as playing indigenous musical instruments, sawing wood, leather-work, practicing music, art and dance, cutting stone, pottery, general labor, cleaning latrines, and washing clothes. This system prevailed till by law until Muluki Ain was revised in 1962.
The present caste system derives from Shah dynasty founder Prithvi Narayan's famous saying that Nepal was a garden of four varnas and 36 castes.[4] However this is only a rough estimate for the Hill region. The Newari community and the Terai community each has more than 36 castes.
During the Panchayat regime Nepal was referred to as a 'Hindu State' as well. The Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal (1990) has also retained it. In Nepal, the only Hindu state in the world, thousands of people treated as untouchables have been undergoing bitter experience legally for centuries. History is replete with evidence that because of the legal system based on the Hindu religion lower-caste victims were given more inhuman and stringent penalty than higher-caste ones in similar crimes during Lichhvi, Malla, Shaha and Rana periods (except during kirant period). For instance, there was a legal provision during Malla period to cut Shudra's penis, force him to eat it and get him butchered by chandals ('murderers') on charge of having sexual intercourse with a Brahmin woman. Similarly, during Rajendra Shaha's regime, there existed a law decreed on (1893 ASHADH SUDI 7 ROSE 4 BS), according to which "if a person from Shudra caste like Damai, Sunar(Kami), Sarki, Balami, Majhi, Danuwar, Murmi, Chepang, and Kumal had sexual intercourse with his brother's wife deliberately, he must be put to death." Prior to the implementation of the new civil code of 1963–64, this legal provision continued. Moreover, according to it, higher caste individuals were given lesser penalty if they were charged with having sexual intercourse with lower caste women, but if lower-caste persons had sexual intercourse with higher caste women, they were sentenced to fourteen-year imprisonment. The civil code of 1963–64 has, no doubt, tried to establish legal equality between so-called high-caste and low-caste people in principle (according to recent amendment in the civil code) and untouchability is now liable to penalty. However, this community has not yet enjoyed equal accessibility to law.[citation needed] These unequal and inhuman practices will be discussed in detail later.
[edit] Caste divisionsCaste categories diverged from the four varnas of the classical Vedic model and instead had three categories to accommodate the tribal peoples between the pure and impure castes. These were further classified into five hierarchies with the following order precedence.(Harka Gurung 2005:3,Occasional Papers in Sociology and Anthropology)
Thagadhari, (Wearer of holy cord)
Matwali
Namasyane Matwali (Non-enslavable alcohol-drinkers)
Masyane Matwali (Enslavable alcohol drinkers)
Pani nachalne choichoto halnu naparne, (Impure but touchable castes)
Pani nachalne chiochoti halnu parne, (Impure and Untouchable castes)
These categories imply that Thagadhari (Wearer of holy cord) remains in the highest hierarchy in the Nepali caste system followed by Matwali, (Non-enslavable alcohol-drinkers) and enslavable alcohol drinkers, touchable caste and lastly untouchable.
[edit] Legitimacy of the caste systemMuluki Ain imposes the caste system in Nepal in order to incorporate people of different origin and bring them under one umbrella of the caste system. The first categories of Thagadhari, which include Parbate Brahmin and Chhetri, are in the higher categories of hierarchy whereas Brahmins of Terai and Newari Brahmin as per Muluki Ain do not fall under these categories.
Matwali group, enslavable and non-enslavable falls under second categories, which include the people of ethnic origin and Brahmins of Terai and Newari Brahmins. It also includes those people in the non-enslavable group such as Magar, Gurung, Rai, and Limbu etc. and enslavable are Tamang, Chepang, Thami etc.
Untouchable are the categories of varnas system in ancient Manu's Code but some people such as Muslims and foreigners as well fall into these categories. Untouchables are divided into Pani nachalne choichoto halnu naparne, (Impure but touchable castes) and Pani nachalne chiochoti halnu parne, (Impure and Untouchable castes).
The creation of sub-castes in Nepal is unique. For instance, the child born of a high-caste father and a low-caste mother was a case of promotion. There were unwritten practices like not defiling and sprinkling water which still exists. Children born from wandering sanyasi fathers and intercaste marital relation also belong to the same category.
[edit] The supreme casteCommunities make ornaments, weapons pottery and others. The castes/tribes with different names: Kamis (Iron-smiths), Sunars (Gold-smiths), Lohars (Iron smiths), Vishwakarmas (V.K.), Sobh, Snehi Nepali, etc. They have been named after the professions they are found to be engaged in. For instance, one who is engaged in works related to gold is a Sonar; one who constructs a house or makes pots is an Od; the person who makes things out of copper is a Tamta; on who is engaged in iron-related works is a Lohar, one who is engaged in making utensils from wood is a Chunara; one who constructs good from bamboo is called a Parki; cloth weaver a Koli and Bhool for the person engaged in leather work.
During the Rana regime the person deputed to deal with the issues related to this community was referred to as "Mijhar." Some people are found to take this title as their surname or subcaste. In the western part, goldsmiths are called Mijhar. This community has been found to be distributed all over Nepal. It has the following subcategories:
Aafladhoti
Acharya(are gurus for raja(non-vegeterians)and brahmin caste (vegeterians))
Agri
Banskota
Baraili/Barali/Baral
Bhatta
Bhattarai
Bhool
Bhusal
Bipali
Bunchebhale
Chamling(Rai)
Chandara/Chandaro
Chhistal
Chilime
Chunara
Dahal
Dalami
Darnal
Dayal/Diyali
Deupate
Dewal
Dhamala
Dhanik (Dhanuk)
Dudraj (Dudhraj)
Dural
Gadaili
Gadal
Gahate (Gahatraj)
Gajmer
Gajurel
Ghamal
Ghamghotle
Gharti Ghimire
Ghatani
Ghimire (Sijapati and Ghimire also called "Shobh")
Ghotane
Giri
Gotame
Gowa
Himchyuri
Jandkami
Kadara (Kandara)
Kaini
Kalikote
Kaliraj (Shahoo)
Kallohar
Karada*Kasara
Khadkathoki
Khanal
Khapangi
Khati
Koirala
Koli
Kumaki
Labad
Lakandri
Lamgade
Lamakarmi
Lamichhane
Poudel
Latopi
Lohar
Lwagun/Luhagun
Mahilipar
Mar (Mahar)
Mijhar
Nagarkoti
Nepal
Niraula
Padhyawati
Pagri
Pahari
Palla (Ya)
Panthi
Parajuli
Parki
Pokharel
Portel
Pulami
Rahpal
Raikal
Rajilohar
Ramdam/Ramdamoo
Rasali/Rasaili
Rijal
Risal
Ruchal
Sadasankar/Sattasankar
Sapkota*Sani
Seti Mahara
Setipar
Setisural
Shahoo
Shahsankar
Sherala
Sijapati
Singaure
Sirpali (Shripali)
Sonam
Sunchyuri/Sunchiuri
Sundhuwa
Suni
Tamata (Tamrakar)
Thagunna
Thatera
Tiruwa
Tiwari
Wod/Wor
Wokheda
[edit] Community engaged in sewing and music
Traditional musical instruments played at weddingsThe caste engaged in sewing clothing is called Suchikar (सुचिकार)or Sujikar (सुजिकार). Those who play musical instruments like damau (damaha, दमाहा), hudko, and devbaja[5] -- particularly in wedding processions—are referred to as damai (दमाइ), dholi ढोली, hudke (हुड्के), nagarchi (नगर्ची) and nagdi. Originally they were called different names according to which instruments they played. Someone employed in sewing is now called darji (दर्जी), tailor, master, or tailor-master. Darji was once used only for Muslim tailors, but now it is used for all tailors as well as musicians. Similarly, damai or damahi has also undergone extension of its meaning. Initially it only meant someone who played the damaha. Now it is used for the entire caste.
Surnames Pariyar, Nepali, Darji and others have come in vogue recently. In western Nepal, Damai came to be used only lately. As damai is considered a derogatory word in the east, so is dholi in the west. This community is distributed all over Nepal. It has the following subcategories:
Aauji
Asasai
Bagchan
Bagdas
Bahak
Bardew
Bhandari
Bhitrikoti
Bhusal
Boodhaprithi
Budhapothi
Chahar
Chhinal
Chuhan
Damai Parel
Damai Pariyar
Darnal
Das
Daunde
Deukar
Dewal
Dholi (also used by those who forgot their sub-caste)
Dhyaki
Gautam (Gotame)
Ghale
Ghatani
Guinde
Hingmang
Hudke
Jairu
Kalakhati
Kandel
Khatiwada
Koirala
Lamghate
Luintel
Magar
Mainali
Mahara
Mahate
Male
Nagarchi
Nagwag
Nagwan
Naubag
Negi
Nepal
Panchkoti/Panchakoti
Pariyar (Achhame, Chudal)
Pokharel
Raigain
Raika
Rana
Ranpahenli
Ranpal
Ratna/Ratne
Ratnapariyar
Ryainjhyain
Samudrasai
Sasmundra
Shahassamudra
Shilal
Shinal
Shiwa/Siwa (Kukhure, Gotame, Bhede)
Sooji
Sudas
Sunal
Sunam
Sunam
Sunchyuri/Sunchiuri
Thagunna
Thapa
Thatal
Tiwari/Tikhatri
[edit] Tanners and CobblersThe Sarki (सार्कि) caste is mainly distributed in the Kathmandu valley and the remote western region. It is considered untouchable because it must handle dead animals and may also consume their flesh, including flesh of cattle that have died of natural causes.
There are two levels of Sarkis in western Nepal - with caste and without caste, which is called Bhool. It has the following subcategories:
Achchhami/Achhami
Bamrel
Bahun
Bastakoti
Batsyal/Basel
Bayalkoti
Bhangyal
Bhul/Bheyanl
Bhurtel
Bisunkhe
Bogati
Chamar
Chhamarki
Chhatkuli
Chudal
Chuhan
Dabe
Dale
Daulakoti/Dyaulakoti
Dhamel
Gaire
Gairepipan
Ghimire
Giri
Gothe
Hitang
Kamar
Khatiwada
Koirala
Lamjel
Lamsal
Majboti
Malbok
Malbule
Mangrati/Magarati
Mudel
Naghali
Pahenli (Panyeli)
Purkoti
Ramtel
Roila
Rokka
Ruchal
Sarmaute
Sejwal
Shahi
Sonar
Shrimati/Sirimal
Siraute
Surkheni
Suyenl
Thagunna
Thak
Thakursya
Thararai
Togi
Uparkoti
Upreti
[edit] Community of Wandering Singers
Gaine playing SarangiThere is a community known as Gaine (गाइने) or Gandharwa (गान्धर्व) who wander about Nepal singing ballads of historical bravery and gallantry, self-accompanied by a sarangi (सारङ्गी) -- a four-stringed violin-like instrument.
Gaine are also found settled in the Western and Mid-Western Regions, especially in Jumla, Kaski (Batulechaur), Syangja, Gorkha, Tanahu, Palpa, Gulmi, Rupandehi, Surkhet, Dailekh, Jajarkot, Rukum, Pyuthan, Dang and Salyan districts, as well as in Kathmandu Valley and Bhojpur in eastern Nepal.
Gaine are looked upon as untouchables, however Jhalak Man Gandarbha (1935–2003) rose to national prominence and performed regularly on Radio Nepal. Gaine sometimes use the surname Nepali. Only a limited number of other surnames sound original. Most are like surnames of Brahmins, Kshetris and Kamis, or are named after particular places. Gaine surnames are as follows:
Bahun
Baistha (Bistha)
Baikar/Wagyakar
Bhusal
Bhusalparbate
Bishnupad
Bishwakarma
Bogate
Budhathoki
Gosai
Hukchingrana
Jogi
Kala Poudel
Kala Kaushik
Kalichan
Kami
Maheshwar
Meghnath
Sai
Samudri
Setaparbate
Setichan
Sursaman
Thakuri
Turki
gayak
[edit] Badi communityMain article: Badi People
jethara
[edit] Kumal communityThe community that makes clay pottery is called Kumal (कुमाल) or Kumhar. Kumals are distributed all over Nepal, and are considered touchable. There are ten subcastes of Kumals in eastern Nepal. They are equate to Newars in social rank. Kumals in Achham district of Seti zone are equal to Chhetris and have marital connections with them.
Kumals are scattered in various areas of Jhapa, Morang, Sankhuwashabha, Dolakha, Dhading, Chitwan, Nawalparasi, Palpa, Gorkha, Lamjung, Parbat, Tanahu, Syangja, Gulmi, Arghakhachi, Kapilbastu, Rupandehi and Dang Deukhuri districts. They are also found scattered in almost all the other districts of Nepal. The main occupation of the Kumals is pottery(not all of them). Their language is more accentuated to the Tibeto-Burman family. Their preferred inhabitation is on riverbanks, inner valleys and tropical areas. They relish pork and buffalo. The Kumals seek assistance from the Dhami and Jhankri shamans. They either bury their dead or consign them to the flow of the rivers. According to Census 2001, their population is 99,389.
The Kumals, mainly found in the outskirts of hills and the Terai, are regarded as one of the ancient indigenous peoples/nationalities of Nepal. In most of the cases they have settlements of clusters at one place. The Kumals of Mongoloid stock resemble Magar, Newars, Tharu, Danuwar, Darai, Majhi and Bote in physical structure. The name, Kumal, according to experts, was derived from the Sanskrit word, 'Kumbhakar'. The census of 2001 records their population at 99,383.
Kumals have their own language. According to some linguists, their language falls under the Magadheli branch of the Indo-European family (Rimal, BS2053:44). They have their own traditions or cultural practices, customs and lifestyles. They sing and dance while celebrating the birth of a child and on the occasion of ‘chhaithi', or the sixth day of the birth of a child, by partaking of jand (home-made beer) and spirit with meat. The son-in-law officiates the christening process. They give a name to the child and complete the process by slaughtering cock or hen. Marriage can take place by arrangement or by mutual consent of the girl and the boy. Those marrying by consent should go through the customary process. At the time of bride entering the bridegroom's home and at the time of bridegroom entering the bride's home, a cock is slaughtered and they walk on the track smeared with the blood of the cock. The future life of the couple is usually forecast on the basis of the direction in which the cock is seen lying dead. Widowed wife of older brother can, if they wish, be married to the younger brother.
Kumals have a practice of either burying the dead or immersing it in the river. Mourning is observed for five, seven or 13 days. There is a practice of helping the family of the deceased with resources by each family. Kumals are animists or worshippers of nature. They worship their family god, Same (god of beasts), snake gods and goddesses, Banaskhandi, or gods and goddesses of forests (numbering 50 to 100), Mandali Mai, Semare Mai, Desantari Mai, Chandi, etc. (Gautam and Thapa Magar, 1994:329-332). They believe in dhami-jhankris (shamans).
The traditional occupation of Kumals is making of clay pots. Nowadays, they have become dependent on agriculture and animal husbandry. Since majority of the families do not own land enough for their livelihood, they cultivate others' land to earn their living. Women have equal status with men and the parents, based on the merit of the case, distribute share of parental property to daughters, too.
[edit] DhobisThough Dhobis, the community involved in the laundry profession (washermen), consider themselves superior to the untouchables, the so-called high-caste people treat them as untouchables. There are two categories of Dhobis in the Terai - Raj Dhobi and Dhobi. Raj Dhobi's water is acceptable while Dhobi's water is unacceptable. In the Kathmandu Valley also, Dhobis are considered untouchable.
[edit] Untouchables in the Terai (Madhesh)The untouchables in the Terai are found to be involved in various professions. They include:
Aghori
Bantar
Bhilla
Bhuiya
Chamar/Mochi/Harijan
Chidimar
Dhobi
Dhuniyan (Muslim)
Doom/Dom/Dhangar
Dusadh
Gandharwa (Muslim)
Gudihara
Halkhor
Jhangad (Uraun/Uram)
Jhangar
Karori (Yadav's sub-category untouchables)
Khatwe
Kichchak
Kisan
Koche
Mirshikar
Munda
Mushar (Sada)
Nat
Pamariya
Pasi
Paswan
Rachwar
Santal (Satar)
Satar
Shai (Muslim)
Sharbhanga
Tanti
Tatma
Toori
[edit] Newar communityBy 'Newari community' we mean the speech community in which Nepal Bhasa language is used as the mother tongue. The core area of Newars is the Kathmandu valley. They have also settled down in different urban areas of Nepal. They use Nepal Bhasa (used to be known as Newari during Panchayat era) language though with dialectal variations. Newars have also been found in rural areas, but they have lost Newari language because of suppression by the khasa people(called as parbatiya, since they live in parbat i.e. hills).
The caste system appears to have been first conceived in Nepal towards the beginning of Lichhivi period. Originated as Vaishavism, this concept began to assimilate with Shyamanism (including natural religion), Shaivism and Buddhism. In both Hindu and Buddhist Newar communities, the caste system has been found to exist. It reveals that the caste system is extremely complicated in this community. In the Kathmandu Valley Jayasthiti Malla established the caste system on the basis of Manusmriti. Accordingly, it was required to adopt professions, wear cloths and ornaments and construct houses in accordance with the social status of different castes. Violating these rules was liable to certain punishment. Despite the fact that castes were based on various professions, there evolved untouchability later. The state of caste discrimination and untouchability appears to be slightly different from that of Khas and Maithil communities. For instance, in Khas and Maithil communities, the untouchables are treated equally, while in Newar community they are discriminated differently; e.g. Kasais ('butchers') are allowed to step up to the second storey of the houses and Chyames to the first storey, Harhurs are entirely prohibited from entering the house. Generally, the untouchables are not allowed to go to the upper storey of the house. Butchers' milk and meat are acceptable, but eating their boiled rice is unacceptable. Eating dhobis and Napits' (barbers') boiled rice may be unacceptable.
Prior to the implementation of the civil code (1854), some Shudras in Newari community were considered untouchable. Of them some needed the sprinkling of water while others did not. Dhobi, Kasai, Kusule and Kuloo castes belong to the first category, and Pode and Chyame castes to the second.
Traditionally, butchers are called Kasais (Khadkis). They play a musical instrument, called Naykhin, in funeral procession as well as at the different festivals in the Kathmandu valley. During the Rana regime Lakhe dance and Kasais' Paltan performed at Gaijatra and Indrajatra were extremely popular. Even in Royal Army's music band, those who played Badshahi musical instrument included Kasais as well. Now, their professions have undergone expansion with the changing situation. They have not only confined themselves to the sale of meat and vegetables but also gradually taken to many other professions. As they have been long engaged in trade and business, their economic condition can be considered better than that of other untouchables.
Kusules have been playing Panchabaja since the ancient times as a good sign at temples and on auspicious occasions like marriage and bratbandh ('thread-wearing ceremony'). Their presence is deemed necessary on an auspicious occasion. They have also been engaged in tailoring. Besides, they have also been making musical instruments like Maadal and Khinma. They have been found much skilled at playing and selling Tal Bajas (type of drums).
Podes and Chyames are found settled in Kathmandu, Bhaktapur and Lalitpur. The locality they live in is called Pode Tole (settlement). They introduce themselves as 'Deulas'. They have been traditionally involved in cleaning garbage. Nowadays they are also known as 'sweepers'. In more polite terms they are called 'cleaning labourers'.
The community engaged in shaving hair and cutting nails are called Napit ('Barbers'). Similarly, the persons whose profession is laundry are called 'Dhobis' ('washermen'). In Kathmandu they are mainly settled at Dhobichaur and Dhobidhara. In Lalitpur their main settlement is at Dhobighat. Recently, large laundries are run by others while Dhobis own small laundries only.
The lowest of the Newar untouchables are Harhures (baseless). Their ancestry is unknown. They live on begging. Their population has been found marginal. They are often seen begging on occasions like Gathemangal. In Khas community settled outside the Kathmandu valley, Kasai, Napit,and other Newar untouchable castes are treated as touchable.
[edit] Present situationThere are three major communities in Nepal's caste-oriented society -Khas, Newar and Maithil. Besides, there is a separate community consisting of tribes, the ethnic groups. There is similarity in the social structure of Khas, Newar and Maithil communities. That is to say, they all have four castes: Brahmin, Chhetri, Vaishya and Shudra. There also exists a distinction between Nepali origin and Indian origin in them, which may also be referred to as Bhumiputra community and Yayavar community, respectively. There also exist Hindu, Buddhist, Muslim and Christian religious communities in Nepal. Of these communities, Khas, Newar and Maithil have been undergoing increasing complexity of caste discrimination and oppression. The issue in the present Nepalese society lies in the classification of Brahmins, Chhetris and Vaishyas into sub-castes, defiling castes and narrowing.
From another perspective, Nepalese society is clearly split into touchables and untouchables, have no marital relation with them, and do not allow them to enter their house. In the western part of Nepal, they also practise springkling water (act of purification). The low-caste people are deprived of utilizing most of the temples, funeral places, drinking water taps and wells, restaurants, shops and other public places. The tribes of the community, though not within Hindu caste system, also practise untouchability with low-caste people.
The practice of untouchability penetrated down to the untouchables. As a result, it went to the extent of making discrimination between touchable and untouchable castes within the untouchable community itself. For instance, Kami and Sarki communities regard other communities like Damai as untouchable, while there does exist inequality even between Kamis and Sarkis. Damais treat communities like Gaines untouchable. Recently it has been found in vogue in some parts of the Remote Western Region that persons within the same untouchable community have been treated untouchable owing to their miserable economic condition. No doubt there has been launched a campaign at the organizational level by oppressed castes to oppose discrimination. However, open entry into a house and marital relation are still far from being materialized. In the hilly areas of western part of Nepal certain untouchables have their own restaurants and now all untouchable communities enter there.
People from superior castes use the non-honorific form of 'you' ('tan') for lower caste people. Conversely, lower caste people have to use the honorific form of 'you' ('tapain') to higher caste people irrespective of their age. In addition, they also need to address Brahmins as 'Baje' (Grandfather), Chhetris and Magars as 'Mukhiyas' (Head-men) and Rais and Limbus as 'Subba' (landlord/chieftain as opposed to nepali term subba-officer) and other honorific forms.
With the advent of democracy in 1950, social discriminations started breaking down not because of any legal provisions but because of the high caste people's own initiatives. However, even this change could not abolish untouchability. Though public places were opened to low caste people in some places, the situation remained unchanged to a large extent. There has been made a legal sanction in the civil code against untouchability; however, it has turned out to be meaningless since its violation is not liable to any specific penalty. According to Act 11(4) of the new constitution of Nepal (1990), however, untouchability has been made punishable. The civil code has also been amended accordingly. Despite these constitutional and legal provisions, untouchability has been still found in practice. So-called higher caste people do not allow low-caste people to have an access to temples and other public places. (See the description of events for its details).
The situation of caste-based untouchability existing in the country has been presented as follows on region-wise basis:
[edit] Remote western regionUntouchability exists in its extreme form especially in the hills and mountains. The so-called untouchable castes have been prohibited from their entrance into temples and other public places. For instance, the untouchables are not allowed to enter the fair held annually at Dehimandau in Baitadi district and open stalls. Three years ago they filed a petition to the Chief District Officer for their entrance, but so far no action has been taken in this regard. Similarly, the untouchables are prohibited from entering Jagannath temple at Khalanga, Baitadi. They have to sit outside restaurants and wash eating utensils. At many places there also exists the practice of sprinkling water for purification. Milk and milk products are not given to the untouchables to drink and eat, but ghee (a milk product) is not defiled even if it is touched by them. Untouchable boys and girls are discriminated even at public schools. They have to use separate pots for drinking water. They have also to sit separately in the class as ink is defiled with their touch. For instance, at Shiva Primary School, Dungra, Tripura Sundari-4 (Baitadi district), the untouchables bought an almunium bucket and a water pot ("Lota") and handed them over to the school for their children, but they have been used by the touchables and instead, the untouchables have been provided with an old bucket. Shankar Ram Mahar, who studied from classes VIII to X at Daneshwar Secondary School, Barakot (Baitadi), mentioned that he had never drunk water at the school during this period. At the same place, the untouchables have to stand outside restaurants for eating and wash plates twice. There are separate taps - the lower one for low castes and the upper one for high castes.
In this region, there is a tradition for the untouchables to insert "Ram" in the middle of their names, like Brahmins and Chhetris, who write "Prasad" and "Bahadur"/"Dhwaj", respectively. For identification, they must use surnames indicating their untouchable status (e.g. Sunar, Lohar, Kami, Dhobi, Darji, Doom, Badi, etc.) in their citizenship certificates, land ownership certificates and appointment letters (e.g. Nari Ram Lohar, Pratap Ram Lohar, etc.). While enroling themselves at a school at Barakot-6, Ram Singh Lawad and Bhaskar Dev Lawad had to modify their names as Ramu Ram and Bhaskar Ram, respectively.
Likewise, Gopal Raj Poudel, a resident at Khalanga, wanted to get the citizen certificate issued for his son with the surname "Poudel", however, Chief District Officer Madhav Raj Sharma declined to issue the certificate with this surname. The CDO argued that if "Poudel" was used the person concerned might be mistaken as a higher caster member, get married to a higher caste girl and create complication.
In Baitadi, Doti, Bajhang and Bajura districts, Kumals (pot-makers), are treated as the worst of the untouchables. In Achham district, however, Kumals are considered on par with Chhetris. In the remaining districts, they are not untouchable.
In urban areas, separate restaurants are opened for the untouchables. At several places it has been made obligatory for restaurants to hang boards to show whether they are meant for untouchable or touchable. "Bishwakarma Hotels" opened at Khalanga of Baitadi and Dipayal of Doti can be taken as a model of this type. Initially only Bishwakarmas had entrance into these restaurants, but, with the growing unity and integration among the untouchables of various castes, all of them are equally welcomed there.
The untouchability within untouchable communities themselves is also getting minimized with the campaign of growing equality among the untouchables. Consequently, untouchable castes have started organizing common feasts, though untouchability in old generation and household still persists and inter-marriage is still not permitted. However, the practice of sprinkling water for purification among the untouchables has now disappeared.
The untouchables employed at lower ranks in Royal Nepal Army are not allowed to enter the barrack compound, let alone live there. They have to live outside and perform their duties. The untouchables employed in police service in limited way have also to experience discrimination on the ground of untouchability. There have also been found instances like Dharendra Bahadur Rasaili, who went from Bajhang to Dipayal but declared ineligible for a police post on ground of belonging to an untouchable caste.
In this region water taps distributed at public level are not made available in untouchable settlements. At Banderbhindi village in Hemantawada Ward No.5 (Bajhang), the route of drinking water pipe for the use of higher caste people was changed because through the untouchable settlement water would be defiled. As a result, about thirty families of the untouchables were deprived of using drinking water from the tap. The number of the untouchables is rather limited in teaching profession. They, however, have to experience humiliation. Similarly, the number of school-going children is very marginal in this community as they are also subjected to humiliation. The untouchables are deemed total misfit to the post of peon everywhere.
In a few village of this region, e.g., Rodideval Village Development Committee (Baitadi), the affluent people get drunk and go to the reputed singers in Damai community and enjoy dancing and singing by women and young girls. The grown-up women who are good at dancing are replaced by young girls even if they do not know at all how to dance.
The untouchables are prohibited from their entrance into temples. At Nagarjun Village Development Committee (Baitadi) "Prasad" (Articles of food offered to God or Goddess) of Satya Narayan Pooja (the worship of Lord Vishnu) is not offered to this community. The idol at Jagannath temple located at Khalanga-1 was discovered by Bhool caste, but recently these people have been disallowed to enter the temple. Instead, a separate idol has been installed for them at a different place. The public road is blocked for the untouchables during fairs.
At Pithlek and Dhamilek of Chainpur village Development Committee in Bajhang district, low-caste people are not allowed to step on high-caste people's wet courtyard and touch the walls of their houses. If they do so unknowingly, they are penalized. Besides, low-caste people cannot go to Dhamilek from Shrawan Aaunsi till Panchami after Purnima ("Full Moon"). At the same place if a dog touches a low-caste person it is purified by sprinkling water. At Rithapada-4 Sarkis have to shave their head on the death of local Thalu Thapas. Aujis of Kotdeval and Dholis of Hemantawada are bound to play musical instruments on the death and birth in high-caste community. This tradition is also found to exist partially in the eastern region of Nepal.


[edit] Haliya (Ploughmen's) systemIn Banke, Bardiya and some other Terai districts, Tharus are forced to serve as bonded labourers. This custom of bonded labour originated in the hills of this development region. This Haliya system was introduced into the Terai by feudal head-men when they migrated from the hills to the Terai. They grabbed land from Tharus and made them bonded labourers. This fact indicates that bonded labour is widely prevalent in the hills and mountains. It exists in Baitadi, Dadeldhura and Bajhang districts. It is said that Brahmins and Chhetris from the hills should not plough field. Here ploughmen are usually Lohars, Sarkis and Damais. Poor low-caste people in this part have to borrow loans from high-caste ones. In case they fail to pay off the interest they have to work as Haliyas. Interest is paid from their wages. In addition, they are also paid some remuneration in kind. Money-lenders do not accept the payment of their loans and Haliyas are bound to plough. If they decline to do so they are threatened that they will be disturbed by evil spirits. Thus, they are forced to continue their work. The members of Haliyas' families have also to work at their masters'. It is also found that quite a few simple-minded people have to work without wages. Haliyas plant crops all through the year, but they receive just a little amount in return-about six pathi (a Nepalese measurement) rice and one doko (a type of basket) maize. Those people who work on daily wages are given morning breakfast, lunch and four mana (2 kg) rice. Planters are paid one Pathi of paddy. Poor people borrow loans to meet expenses for arranging their children's marriage or other purposes on the condition that they would plough and do other works for their masters. There also exists a practice of ploughing to pay just the loan interests. In such a case, it is not possible to pay off the principal amount due to loan. As a result, borrowers have to spend their entire life as bonded labourers. About 95% of low-caste people have been experiencing this condition. Fed up with this system, Aniram Tamta, an old man from Tripura Sundari (Baitadi district) expresses his bitter experience as "Do all sorts of work except ploughing".
This system has also been found existing in Gorkha of the Western Region. In fact, it has been observed in vogue in every part of the country in one form or another. In the western Nepal, it exists in the form of bonded labor—n atrocious practice leading to the violation of human rights on the part of low-caste people who are economically deprived. In this part even those low-caste people who are economically better have been subjugated to ploughing for high-caste people. They cannot even argue with Brahmins and Thakuris
[edit] Doli (Palanquin) systemDoli ('palanquin') is usually carried by Lohars and Sarkis in Darchula, Bajhang, Bajura, Doti, Achham and other hill and mountain districts of the Remote Western Region. In this region it has been widespread practice to carry Thalu brides and bridegrooms in palanquins. The palanquin carriers are paid a limited amount of wages. If they refuse to do so, they are rebuked and threatened and debarred from visiting fairs and using water. They are even beaten and forced to carry palanquins. In ignorance they think that if they do not carry palanquins their gods will be displeased with them and they will have to suffer. Even to reach places which are accessible on horseback, the so-called superiors travel in palanquins for the sake of their pride and ostentation.
[edit] Jari (Adultery) systemThe practice of marrying someone else's wife is called Jari system. The amount of punishment paid for such an act is called Jari. This system, no doubt, exists all over the country. However, in remote western places, it has developed in a rather different fashion and has posed itself as a serious issue. In Brahmin and Chhetri communities, this problem has been found exceptional, while, in low castes, it has been a widespread phenomenon.
[edit] Dhan Khane/Chhangra (Dowry) systemTraditionally, low-caste people used to demand wealth from bridegrooms' parents all over the country while giving their daughters to them in marriage. Now this custom has been continued only by a few people in other parts of the country. In the Remote Western Region, however, it is still widespread. To demand wealth from bridegrooms' parents to meet marriage expenses or otherwise is the consequence of miserable financial situation.
[edit] Mid-Western regionThe sense of untouchability has been found less in the urban areas of the Terai districts. For instance, a Bishwakarma, an untouchable, has openly run a restaurant at Lamai, Deukhuri. In the hills and mountains, however, untouchability has been found prevailing. Though less in urban areas, untouchability is observed by Brahmins and Thakuris and the untouchables are given to eat outside the house. Low-caste people are not allowed to enter Bageshwari temple at Nepalgunj in spite of being an urban area.
In Rukum district, untouchable castes practise 'bratbandh' ('thread wearing'). Brahmins go to their houses, perform this religious ceremony and accept offerings. Some parts of Rukum district have relatively less untouchability than other districts and in some parts it does not exist at all. Thawang, a village in Rolpa district, is inhabited by people of about all castes. They are found to be independent in activities within families and marriage, but they are equally treated in social activities like feast, marriage party, funeral procession, fair, festival, meeting and religious, cultural function. In this village, no one is discriminated as high and low, touchables and untouchables.
In Bardiya as well, a Terai district, untouchable teachers and students are discriminated. They feel humiliated when they have to sit at a different place even while taking tea, as reported by Ram Bahadur Nepali, a teacher at Nepal Rashtriya Primary School, Deudakala Machhagad. When a low-caste person happens to marry a high-caste girl, high-caste people conspire for their separation and harass him. In such a case, he has to escape from the district. Even in the Terai children of untouchable castes have very low enrolment at schools. Its main reason is their parents' miserable financial condition. Children also have to work for their maintenance. Even the children whose parents' financial condition is better are not found inclined towards going to school because of humiliation they have to feel.
In the mountains like Jajarkot district Thakuris and Brahmins do not allow the untouchables to touch public drinking water taps and wells. At Khalanga as well, caste-based discrimination is found at the extreme. In this region, Kamaiya and Haliya systems (bonded labour) are practised to a great extent. The bonded labour system is widespread in districts like Banke, Bardiya and Surkhet. The Tharu community alone is not the victim of kamaiya system. Untouchable castes are also chained to Kamaiya and Haliya systems. In the hills and mountain, the untouchables have become destitute with the blows of the Haliya system in one way or another.
The untouchables of this region are prohibited from selling and distributing milk. That's why they are not sanctioned loans at the government level to buy buffaloes. Even for breeding goats they are given loans only at a few places. At several places the untouchables are not offered 'prasad' and 'panchamrit' (a mixture of five sacred ambrosia). Milk and curd are also not served to them.
As in other places, in this region too, citizenship certificates are not issued to low-caste people if they mention the type of their hereditary identity. They must mention Lohar, Kami, Sunar, Damai, Nepali, Doom and other caste-names. This restriction also applies to educational certificate and land-holding certificate. Recently Hari Nepali, who was deemed eligible for joining British Army, was expelled owing to his caste status. In connection with issuing citizenship certificate, Netra Bahadur Karki, Chief District Officer of Jajarkot district, seems to be liberal-minded. The untouchables are issued citizenship certificates just by mentioning their hereditary surnames.
The Mid-Western Region is the core area for Badis. Their number is large at Rajpur, Banmusri, Taratal, Tulsipur, and Gagangunj. In this region several Badi communities are involved in prostitution. As a result, the number of children whose fathers are unidentified has been increasing and when they are grown-up they will naturally accept prostitution as their profession. There are also found Badinis who have given up prostitution and lead a married life. They mentioned that they had taken to prostitution out of compulsion. They do not want to push their children born out of prostitution into the same profession.
Badinis who relinquished prostitution are now maintaining their lives by engaging themselves in other skilled or non-skilled works. They have also started educating their children. Badis settled in Rukum, Jajarkot, Salyan, Pyuthan, Rolpa and other districts manufacture clay pots for sale, perform dancing and singing, and beg alms and very few of them are engaged in prostitution.
The untouchables of this region are extremely affected by polygamy, Jari (adultery) and Doli (Palanquin) systems. Biradevi Sunar, a 40-year-old mother of seven children from Dahchaur, Barjiwang-2 (Pyuthan), was deserted by her husband, who married another woman and started living separately. Examples like this support the extreme suffering of untouchable women who have to undergo in their lives.
There have been two extreme ways in which low-caste people are harassed by-high-caste ones. They are implicated into cases related to raping and killing a cow and sentencing them to heavy punishment. Many of the untouchables have been sentenced to imprisonment in rape and cow-slaughter cases or have to attend to legal cases against them in courts. In a personal interview with the untouchables of this region, it was revealed that they were implicated in such cases for no reason at all.
In the hills and mountains, the untouchables have been prohibited from blowing a conch-shell. In the month of Fagun last year the conch-shell was blown in funeral procession carrying the corpse of late Dansara kamini, a resident of Lakuri Village Development Committee (Dailekh). The local high-caste people, however, told them that they had no right to blow a conch and then beat them.
Morawang Village Development Committee in Rukum district offers a strange and shameful situation of untouchability. There takes place a fair on Maghe Sankranti (the first day of a Nepali month). Towards the end of the fair the local high-caste men and women gather on a flat raised ground, beat drums turning towards the settlement of the untouchables, show the male's secret part and sing "Eat it! Hell with you!" and dance jumpingly. They say it is performed to appease gods. The untouchables are prohibited from going there during that time. If they go there or oppose this restriction, they are fined 10 pols (391 g) of tamo (copper).
The low-caste inhabitants of this locality have filed a petition to the Chief District Officer against this evil practice, but so far it has been evaded. It has been reported that the village Development Committee concerned has been issued a notice in this connection, but the social evil is still in vogue.
In different parts of this region the untouchables have rather little representation from various political parties at local level. In addition, even the marginal number of representatives is not treated like high-caste ones. The political parties with emphasis on caste equality have not undertaken any important measure in this regard. Instead, during the Dasai festival this year, political activists including those of Nepal Communist Party (Masal) accused District Education Officer of Pyuthan Mr Bal Bahadur Pariyar of unfairness in teachers' selection, insulted him as "You Damai (an untouchable) are not fit for this position. Go to play Damaha (drum) and sew cloths!" and finally made him quit the district.
Dilli Raj Ghimire, a 36-year-old Brahmin from Loharpani-9 (Dang Deukhuri), gave the false assurance to 26-year-old Tobi Bishwakarma from the same place that he would take her to India even though she belonged to a low caste. He had sexual relation with her and had a child (Birodh Ghimire), but he declined to accept him as his son. Now Tobi Bishwakarma is knocking at the court's door for justice so that her son can be entitled to receive his share of his father's assets.
A 30-year-old man, Bahadur Damai, from Lamahi town, Chailaha-2 (Dang) had love marriage with 24-year-old Aiti Chhetrini in 1993. The girl's parents placed Man Bahadur under police custody and he was extremely tortured there. The girl did not want to be separated from the boy, as she said she was pregnant and yet she had no choice of her own. As in other places, in this region too, inter-caste love marriage is foiled on the ground of caste.
In districts like Humla and Jumla, untouchability was found to exist within the same Bhote community. Within it there is a class of labourers, called Kamaro; who have been demoted to the level of the untouchables.
[edit] Western regionIn this region the northern part including Mustang district is mostly inhabited by people of Tibetan origin. These ethnic Tibetans are Buddhist and here low-caste people consist of Kamis, Damis and Sarkis are discriminated less because Buddhism opposes caste system. But that being said younger generations educated in local Hindu dominated schools seem to be influenced and therefore, avoid untouchable people. These people living in places higher than Jomsong have adapted themselves to the local language and culture. The indigenous ethnic Tibetans are referred to as "Botays". The word Botay is used by Bahun /Chettri to negatively refer Nepali of Asian features whose ancestors migrated from Tibet like Bahun/Chettri migrated to Nepal after driven out of India by Mughal Empire in 17th century. These ethnic Tibetan community settled in valleys along Tibet. Because of the indirect Hindu infleunce, they only regards smiths as untouchable and refers to them as "Gharas". Unlike Hindus, these Buddhist people seemed to be more respectful of untouchables
The example described below reveals that the social life is not so much guided in Mustang by caste discrimination. When King Birendra paid a visit to Mustang in 1974/75 it was Man Bahadur Bishwakarma, a teacher assisting Mustang Prince, who escorted him skillfully. Hence, His Majesty's Government of Nepal and Mustang king appointed him the personal secretary to Mustang prince as a mark of respect to his efficiency. Other communal courtiers of the prince conspired against him and got another person appointed in his place.
Caste discrimination is found in its extreme form in districts like Myagdi and Baglung. Low-caste inhabitants here cannot get their citizenship certificates by mentioning their hereditary surnames. They are considered untouchable and prohibited from entering temples and religious shrines.
Arghakhanchi, Gulmi and Palpa districts have also been experiencing the same form of caste discrimination. It also exists, though to a limited extent, in Gorkha town area. Simple minded low-caste people are discriminated at restaurants and shops. They are not allowed to use public drinking-water taps and wells. The following recent event can be cited as an example. Dhan Kumari Gaire, who went to bring water from a public tap at Khoplang Village Development Committee, was stopped by Hira Lal Basnet. Even then she tried to fill her pot with water, but she was injured by a sickle. This case is proceeding in a legal court.
It has been evidenced that low-caste people are prohibited from their entrance into temples and religious shrine in Gorkha. It shows the violation of low-caste people's human rights at the government level.
On February 3, 1993 Society for the Liberation of Oppressed Castes (SLOC) Nepal (District Committee, Gorkha) organized a meeting to enable low-caste people to worship at Gorakh Nath Temple inside Gorkha Palace. But it was banned at the government level. The mob tried to enter the temple forcefully, but it was stopped by police threat to shoot. Eventually these low-caste people had to withdraw themselves without worshipping. When asked "Why can we not enter the temple? Give us a written reply", Ganesh Bikram Shah, Chief of Gorkha Memorial Preservation and Palace Care office, gave them a written restriction.
Untouchability is found prevailing in Syangja, Rupandehi and Nawalparasi districts also. In Palpa district there persists discrimination among low-caste people, but in Syangja district it has mitigated to a large extent. In this district, the discrimination made by high-caste people against low-caste one has come out as a topic of discussion at the national level. At Bhagwati Milk Collection Centre set up by Dairy Development Corporation at Udiyachaur of Pelakot Village Development Committee, low-caste people had not been permitted to sell their milk for the last eight years. On November 6, 1993, however, the low-caste people used pressure on the centre to buy their milk and mix it. This event gave rise to conflict and there was a fight between the low-caste and high-caste people. Later, under the pressure of Brahmins, Dairy Development Corporation closed down the milk collection centre. In this issue, the local administration also extended its support to the high-caste people. Then local oppressed peasants formed an action committee to fight this issue. On February 13 thousands of people organized a protest rally at Syangja bazaar at the behest of the action committee. They demanded for reopening the milk collection centre and taking action against those indulging in discrimination.
Low-caste teachers and employees working at several schools in this region are humiliated and even sacked on caste ground. The authorities concerned have, however, shown no interest in it. In this region there are instances of inter-caste marriage, but low-caste people are harassed in this regard. For instance, Riuri Damini, an untouchable woman from Bhirkot-2 (Tanahu district), was made pregnant by Hari Bahadur Rana of the same village. But she was paid some amount and left in charge of a Kami boy. Hari Bahadur was also debarred from using water and Brahmins did not accept to perform "Nwaran" rite for his son born from his first wife. On the other side, a Kami boy was also debarred from using water for marrying a Damai woman. Eventually, Riuri was compelled to spend her life with another man. Besides, Trok Maya Pariyar from Bhanu-3 (Tanahu) gave birth to a son from Nand Kumar Shrestha of the same village. When it was disclosed Nand Kumar Shrestha absconded. The community expelled Nand Kumar from his caste on the one hand, while, on the other, Trok Maya died from illness. It was bad luck for the baby. Nand Kumar has now opened a restaurant at Mugling and lives with his first wife and children. In the same Village Development Committee, Achyut Raj Aryal dared to have love marriage with Radhika Pariyar and is now leading a life of a social outcast.
On November 29, 1993, Ashok Bishwakarma and Lila Bishwakarma decided to enter into love marriage, but when they went to Bindhyabasini temple for the purpose, the priest refused to perform marriage rite on caste basis.
The love marriage between Top Bahadur Shrestha and Kamala Nepali from Amchaur Village Development Committee (Baglung) was, however, found to be acceptable to the local community. Similarly, Ranger, Indra Lal Acharya gladly welcomed her daughter's marriage with Babu Ram Bishwakarma from Arghakhanchi in July/August 1993.
There have been frequent conflicts for prohibiting the untouchable from their entrance into temples in Nawalparasi district. The sense of untouchability still prevails in this district. For instance, Sagun Pariyar, an eight-year-old daughter of Indra Bahadur Pariyar from Naya Bellani-8, was alleged by a Magar woman to have touched her. In excitement, the latter dropped her water pot on the former's head. Sagun was brought to Bir Hospital in serious condition. Only after a long treatment she was taken back home.
At Butwal Municipality-5, Bimala Bishwakarma, a 65-year old woman, was alleged to have touched water and poured with water. She was beaten so much that she was left in serious condition.
[edit] Central regionThis region, where the nation's capital is also located, is relatively much advanced in political, economic, religious, intellectual, cultural and other fields. this, it lags behinds in social aspect. The Kathmandu valley is replete with temples, shrines, and monasteries, and is far ahead from religious view point. It is, at the same time, gripped with caste discrimination and untouchability created by religion-based caste system. Inside the valley itself, several religious shrines, taps, wells, funeral and other public places are not open to the untouchables. Caste discrimination has ceased to exist at the hotels and restaurants in the capital city, but it is still continuing at Indrayani, Alapot, Bhadrabas, Moolpani, Danchhi, Sankhu and other sub-urban localities of the city. In these places low-caste people have to eat outside restaurants and clean pots. In rural areas even wooden frame ("pira") is not offered to the untouchables because it is thought that it will be defiled. They have to sit separately for eating at high-caste people's home; cow-dung is placed beside them to clean the place; and the utensils used for eating have to be cleaned.
These practices are also prevalent in the suburban areas of Lalitpur and Bhaktapur cities. In all the three cities in the Kathmandu Valley houses are not available to the untouchables on rent. Hence, they have to conceal their castes in order to get rented rooms or houses. If their castes happen to be disclosed they have no choice but to quit the house. At several places in the valley, Podes (sweepers) are forced to accept alms to appease evil spirits at Gathe Mangal. In the north-eastern part of the central region, high-caste people buy an untouchable person, paint his face in black, red and yellow colors and also with ash and put on him white and black cloths to appease evil spirits.
As in other development regions, in this region too, it has been found rather difficult to sustain inter-caste marriage. In such a situation, the couple have to escape to other places or have to be separated. There have been frequent incidents of false assurance given to low-caste girls in the beginning but later deserting them. For instance, Kainlo Upreti, from Dumre Pani of Bhumlutar-7 (Kavre district) tempted Kanchhi Damini, a widow, to have sexual relation and she also gave birth to a male child. Later Upreti did not accept the child as his son. Kanchhi Damini brought up the child, named Sangram Upreti. Now Sangram Upreti is trying to establish relation with his father.
Rewati Raman Dhakal from Deopur-1 (Kavre) had illicit sexual relation with Buddha Laxmi Bishwakarma of the same village. She gave birth to a child. The child has been named Ram Prasad Dhakal, but the secretary of the Village Development Committee has not accepted to register his birth. On the other hand, high-caste people have instigated Rewati Raman against accepting the child. However, at the initiative of the Society for the Liberation of Oppressed Caste, (SLOC) Nepal district committee, Kavre, attempts are being made for the registration of the child's birth.
There have also been cases of expulsion from the community when some conscious high-caste youths ate together at the untouchables'.
As in other places, the untouchables here are prohibited from entering most of the temples and public places in this region also. On November 27, 1993, a Sarki's son from Panchkhal-3 (Kavre) carried a load of another's paddy into a mill, but he was asked by Khel Bahadur Dulal why he entered inside the mill, and he was also beaten. A Brahmin shopkeeper from Banepa Municipality-10 humiliated Kanchan Pariyar on December 29, 1993 and expelled him out of the shop.
Low-caste people have not been allowed to enter restaurants and temples in districts like Kavre, Dolkha, Sindhupalchowk and Ramechhap. In most districts of this region, low-caste people can not receive citizenship certificate only by mentioning their hereditary surnames.
In Ramechhap district the untouchables are liable to punishment if they don't walk from a distance of the path trod by Brahmins. They are required to construct separate wells for drinking water. They are not allowed to sell their milk at most of the collection centres located in the hills. This situation has cropped up as a result of the discretion used by high-caste people and the Dairy Development Corporation employees. In Sindhupalchowk district low-caste people are not allowed to use drinking water from public wells. For instance, Laxmi, Jhanka Bahadur Bishwakarma's 3-year old daughter, reached near a well while playing. She was beaten by Parvati Bhattarai, but it was protested by her parents. The next day the child's corpse was found floating in the same well. Local people gave a unanimous report that the child's death was a case of accident. This event is still shrouded in mystery. A few days later Nar Bahadur Bishwakarma was beaten for using drinking water from the same well. Parvati Bhattarai's husband Krishna Prasad Bhattarai shouted, "One has already lost one's life; do others also intend to die?" This threat has made the earlier event more suspicious.
The Terai districts of this region, namely, Chitwan, Bara, Parsa, Sarlahi, Mahottari and Dhanusha are inhabited by the Maithil untouchables. Untouchability is found relatively less practised in this part than in the hills and mountains, but discrimination is still existing at psychological level. Professional communities like Chamar, Doom, Mushar, Dusadh and Dhobi have to lead a humiliating and neglected life. Dooms cannot enter restaurants and are discriminated at public schools. Untouchability has been found prevailing more in rural areas than in urban ones.
In this region, it has been observed that low-caste children are not treated on par with high-caste ones, especially by school teachers and fellow students. As a result, the percentage of their drop-outs is rather high. Even those who continue their education do not make expected progress in their studies owing to the feeling of inferiority complex developed in them because of ill-treatment. Low-caste people, even if qualified and efficient, are debarred from getting job on caste ground. A few of them who are employed have to face humiliation. For the post of a peon in particular, they are deemed ineligible because they cannot serve drinking water and tea to employees.
Even in Terai urban area like Chitwan, the employees of the Dairy Development Corporation did not allow Chandra Bahadur Bishwakarma, a low-caste person, to collect milk at the dairy centre on September 26, 1993. To fight this issue the district committee of the SLOC Nepal launched an agitation and the local administration tried to settle it. Low-caste people in the Terai do not receive loans from Agriculture Development Bank to purchase buffalos. They cannot sell their milk openly in markets.
During last Dasai Ram Bahadur Pariyar, a 34-year-old man at Jyoti Nagar (Chitwan) was returning home from his shop late in night. When he reached the courtyard of Gulmi Jethi's house, she made her husband's brother beat him on the pretext that he had come there to steal. He was entrusted to police in a very critical condition. When he was being taken to hospital by police he died. At present late Ram Bahadur's relatives are trying to seek justice, but all possible efforts are being made to conceal the crime.
There have been frequent cases like beating and manhandling innocent low-caste people nowadays. For instance, on November 11, 1993. 78-year-old Bal Krishna Bishwakarma was beaten to death by police at Chitwan on charge of grazing his buffalos in the airfield ground. In protest there were extreme public resentment and demand for taking action against the culprits. However, the authorities concerned have been trying to protect policemen Mukta Bahadur Karna and Tej Narayan Devkota.
[edit] Eastern region This section may contain original research. Please improve it by verifying the claims made and adding references. Statements consisting only of original research may be removed. More details may be available on the talk page. (October 2008)
Prima facie the caste discrimination appears to be relatively less in the Eastern Region than in Western Nepal. A close look, however, reveals that untouchability continues to exist in this part too. Terai districts and some districts in the hills and mountain like Illam and Taplejung are found to be more open and liberal in this respect. Untouchability exists at Fidim Bazaar also in Panchthar district. It is practised much in this district, which is dominated by Chhetri and Brahmin population. In Limbu settlements, untouchables are not allowed to enter a house but they are not much discriminated. Some Limbus like Angadambe and Nembang are, however, much orthodox like Chhetris and Brahmins. In Dasai, untouchables have to clean Mukhiyas' (Headmen's) houses and courtyards. Damais have to play musical instruments during Prasad at Phoolpati and at funeral processions.
As in the hills and mountain, in the Terai too, untouchables cannot sell milk and curd openly. However, they receive loans for purchasing buffalos.
The untouchables of Terai origin including Dooms and Mehtars ("Sweepers") are treated inhumanly. Even at towns like Bhadrapur, Biratnagar, Rajbiraj and Janakpur they cannot enter restaurants, while the untouchables of the hills are allowed to eat inside them.
In this region too, untouchables, have to face difficulty in receiving citizenship certificates. Earlier they had to mention their castes in these certificates. Recently they are issued on the basis of their fathers' certificates. That's why they cannot mention their surnames different from their castes.
The untouchables are prohibited from entering temples in this region also. This restriction was waived off in 1972/73 at Siddhakali temple, Bhojpur, but following the modification of the civil code since 1990 added in Article 10 (ka) as an explanation the untouchables have not been allowed to enter this temple. Likewise, Siddheshwar, Pakhuwa and Dingla temples are not open to them. With the restoration of democracy, the Shiva temple constructed under the chairmanship of Buddhi Bahadur Shankar at Prithvi Nagar Village Development Committee (Jhapa) has been called the place for Kamis to worship and has not been visited by high-caste people. Similarly, they have also stopped drinking water from the well constructed there. At Jorpokhari Shiva temple situated in Subhang Village Development Committee of Panchthar district, untouchables had been offering water, but they stopped it later. Recently they tried to revive their earlier practice but could not succeed. When 45 untouchables including Devi Nepali and Gopi Kalikote wanted to offer water forcibly, high-caste people threatened them to break their legs. This incident has given rise to the tension between touchables and untouchables.
High-caste people often give slogans against untouchability, but they do not want to translate them into action. This fact can be supported by an incident which took place at Dharan in 1992. At Chakraghatti in Dharan, several tea-stalls and restaurants are not open for untouchables.
Untouchable settlements are given pejorative names and no development activities are carried out there. For instance, there is a settlement of untouchables within the market area at Arjundhara-2 of Jhapa district. "Kami Tole" called by high-caste people has been renamed as "Ekant Tole" by the local inhabitants. Electricity has not yet been supplied to this settlement, while it has been for twenty years that the village has been utilizing this facility. Roads have not been constructed and there is no management of drinking water.
Many of the untouchables in this region have taken to Christianity in order to emancipate themselves from caste discrimination and the system of untouchability. But even these converted people are not treated as equals by high-caste Christians. Vaishanavas are the most orthodox of all religious communities. An extreme example of those Vaishanavas in the Eastern Region is this: Devaki Nandan Koirala who is regarded as the teacher of Vaishanavas at Khudunabari-2 (Jhapa), and his disciples arrange a separate place for untouchables to sit at Puran and other religious programmes and when they leave the place it is purified with cowdung plaster.
Udaypur is also found similar in untouchability. Here low-caste people's milk does not sell. If someone's caste is disclosed, he cannot enter a restaurant. Low-caste people can take water from the public tap located at Beltar Bazaar only after it is vacated by high-caste people. Here also untouchable people cannot enter temples and religious shrines.
To many restaurants in Khotang district untouchables are not allowed entry. Similarly, they cannot enter temples in Terai districts like Morang, Saptari, Dhanusha and Siraha. Dooms in particular are more victimized by untouchability. They are ignorant and illiterate and have their settlement in the midst of dirt.
Attitude of Religious Communities, Government and Political Parties Towards Caste-based Untouchability
During Prithvi Narayan's campaign for the unification of Nepal, Kalu Sarki, Mani Ram Gaine and Bise Nagarchi played a significant role. Despite this fact, no attempt has been made to mitigate caste discrimination and the system of untouchability. Several Saints of Josmani like Shashidar (1747–1849) and Gyandil Das (1835–1897) went ahead with the campaign against casteism and Karmakand. Ran Bahadur Shah (1777–1806) was initiated into Josmani sect by Sashidhar, opposed casteism and organized a feast participated by all castes. Activities like this were opposed by his courtiers, priests and orthodox individuals. They were, however, not pursued by the later kings. They could have helped to establish caste equality and integrate all castes into a single national force. The civil code 1853/54 was the first attempt to legalize untouchability and caste system. This code was formulated and enforced by Jung Bahadur Rana during King Surendra's regime. This legal provision added to untouchables' misery and suffering. Saint Gyan Dildas launched protest against this law in the nation and abroad. In Sikkim this superstition was ridiculed as a mockery by searching castes in Nepalese society through light in 1868/69. Several individuals and thinkers endeavoured to abolish caste system and untouchability during the Rana regime, but they failed in their attempt because of autocratic rule.
Jaya Prithvi Bahadur Singh (1963–1997), a humanitarian King, realized the need for collective feeling. For him, the relation among human beings based on wisdom and morality can help attain genuine unity and fraternity. That's why he carried out social reforms. Despite the prince of Bajhang, he accomplished unforgettable works for the nation, people, universal fraternity and global peace. King Jaya Prithvi was committed to pure humanitarian values and views transcending the vanity of casteism, religion and power and sympathised deeply with oppressed people by carrying out welfare activities. For instance, low-caste people like Kalu Bhool (Sarki) and Rabidase (Damai) were sent outside for orientation in-high-skilled works. Because of the influence of King Jaya Prithvi's equalitarian and liberal thinking and actions, his father-in-law Chandra Shamsher also raised the voice in his court: "Untouchables are also human beings; they should also enjoy equal rights". But because of the indifference of his courtiers in this respect or for some other reasons, his ideas did not materialize.
Discrimination with respect to caste, colour, and class was strangling human race and turned out to be a slur on humanity. At this juncture the United Nations published the Human Rights Declaration in 1948. According to Article 2 of this Declaration, "Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty". Following the 1950 Movement, King Tribhuvan made the following announcement on March 3, 1951: "No discrimination shall be made in the appointment of soldiers in Nepalese army on the basis of caste, religion and language. Individuals of all castes, religions and languages are equally eligible for joining army." In the press report released on February 23, 1951, King Tribhuvan expressed his attitude towards caste discrimination as follows:
Whether to abolish caste discrimination and untouchability or not cannot be decided by one or two individuals in a democratic state. It should be decided by all people's consensus. Hence, this issue does not arise unless the legislative assembly is formed.
With worldwide "Openness" wave, the social practices enshrined in the civil code (1853/54) were relaxed to some extent at people's initiatives. At the government level, however, no measures were taken to abolish caste discrimination and untouchability. Besides, no important steps were taken by political parties at that time in this direction.
During the Panchayat regime King Mahendra enforced the Civil Code on August 17, 1963. It announces the elimination of caste system in principle for the first time, but it remains silent about penalty due to its violation. It was, therefore, natural to find no difference in reality. This civil code has, however, historical importance for replacing the one (1853/54) comprising unjust legal provisions. Hira Lal Bishwakarma, who happened to become a minister during the partyless Panchayat regime in spite of belonging to a low caste, also supported status quo instead of supporting for the implementation of the aforesaid Act. During the same regime, low-caste representatives like Dhan Man Singh Pariyar, Har Kumar Singh, T. R. Bishwakarma and Tek Bahadur Bishwakarma, who were nominated to Rashtriya Panchayat (National Legislative Assembly), did not make any contribution in this regard. It is, however, to be noted that millions of rupees were received as foreign aid during this period to promote socially and economically backward communities in Nepal, but no measures were taken in this field. Nepal has signed the UN treaties, negotiations and understanding, but it has not introduced any tangible measures for the abolition of caste discrimination and oppression.
The 1990 People's Movement restored multi-party democracy in the nation, but there was no representation from low castes in the Constitution Recommendation Commission formed to draft the constitution. This commission consisting of representatives of the King, Nepali Congress and Communists prepared the draft of the constitution with the provision for three seats in the parliament reserved for the oppressed, but it was deleted from the constitution. Instead, it has given Nepal the status of "a Hindu State" and encouraged casteism.
According to Article 11(4) of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Nepal 1990, "No person shall be discriminated as untouchable or debarred from attending public places or using things of public utility on the basis of caste. Such an act shall be punishable by law." Despite it has been added as a legal provision to practise discrimination which has been existing traditionally.
To annul this provision Man Bahadur Bishwakarma and Manohar Lal Bamrel filed their petitions at the Supreme Court on June 6, 1992 (Writ No. 2505) and July 23, 1992 (Writ No. 2105), respectively. According to the verdict of the special session consisting of Justice Trilok Pratap Rana, Justice Laxman Prasad Aryal and Justice Kedar Nath Upadhyaya on Thursday February 25, 1993, the explanation under the column 10 (ka) in the civil code was declared null and void and annulled. It was decided that no one shall discriminate any one at any temple or public place on the basis of caste.
The ruling and opposition political parties have, no doubt, given slogans, especially during elections, for the social and economic upliftment of the oppressed. However, they are not found interested in this issue in practice.[citation needed] In this connection, the role of human rights organizations in Nepal has been relatively positive as a pressure group for abolishing caste discrimination and establishing human rights. It is regrettable that the state has shown no concern for the participation of untouchables in the government, government / semi-government agencies and policy formulation sector and also for the reservation of this class in social, economic and educational fields.[citation needed] No social organizations have been found to play active role in uprooting untouchability. Instead, social reformers and intellectuals have made (though limited) positive contributions on individual basis. Former Prime Minister Late Bishweshwar Prasad Koirala also was opposed to casteism and untouchability. Similarly, Mahanand Sapkota also helped to promote their cause. He assisted Jawahar Rokka at Chainpur in receiving education. Pandit Chhabi Lal Pokharel extended his cooperation to Hira Lal Bishwakarma, T. R. Bishwakarma and Uma Lal Bishwakarma in receiving education at Dharan.
Indra Prasad Prasain and Naradmuni Thulung worked for the entry of untouchables into public places at Ilam and Bhojpur, respectively. In 1952, the Bada Hakim (district officer) of Dhankuta, Rang Nath Upreti helped Jawahar Rokka in receiving free education. At Chainpur Sher Bahadur Shrestha helped in educating untouchables. Devi Prasad Upreti (1811–1992), who mostly lived in Jhapa and Atharai, employed a Bishwakarma as his cook and challenged the concept of untouchability. Kali Bhakta Pant of Syangja made a significant contribution by criticizing untouchability through his talented writings. Earlier than (1943/44), Bhakta Bahadur Shakya of Chainpur (SankhuwaSabha district) was engaged in protesting untouchability in Newar community. After 1950, Maheshwar Menyangbo married an untouchable woman and contributed to the abolition of caste discrimination. Since 1952 Ambika Sanwa (now a member of Parliament) has been making laudable attempts in fighting against untouchability and practising this principle in his life.
[edit] Untouchables' initiatives for caste liberation This section is empty. You can help by adding to it.
[edit] Caste untouchability abolition recommendationsIt is not possible to identify the population of untouchables in Nepal on the basis of the census report (1991), as they have not been enumerated separately. This report contains statistics about some castes, but it does not include information about Newari-speaking people and the population of untouchables in the Remote Western Region. According to it, there are only 34,50,000 untouchables. During the enumeration in the 1991 census, information on castes was collected in every region on ad hoc basis without seeking the assistance of local responsible representatives. Consequently, the Aryan untouchables who did not inform that they were untouchables were enumerated as touchables, thereby increasing the touchables' population and reducing the untouchables' population. In addition, the census report has become faulty also because it is difficult in a community to identify touchable and untouchables. It is assumed that if the untouchables missing in the report are taken into account, their population may exceed more than five million. Despite it, it would be desirable on our part to keep on ascertaining the real figures about untouchables, which would help HMG/N and also social organizations devise ways to resolve the related issues.
Who have been reduced to the status of untouchables on the criterion of caste? When and why did it happen? No studies have so far been undertaken by the government, sociologists and other researchers to address to these issues. No books and printed materials have come out on the investigation of the painful long records about this large chunk of population facing the evils of untouchability and humiliation. It is high time to highlight the inhuman situation of untouchables through reliable and insightful studies at the national and international initiatives.
Caste system is also a form of exploitation. Hence, the problems of untouchables cannot be studied separately from the exploitation. It is the poverty which compels people to become untouchables and accept this status and live a neglected, humiliating life. According to a survey made by an international non-government agency (INGO), 42 per cent of the population in Nepal is below poverty line; of them 35 percent belongs to untouchable caste groups. It is time for the government to formulate and implement effective measures to promote the economic situation of the untouchables who cannot fulfil even the minimum basic needs of their life and are facing extreme poverty.
Owing to illiteracy and ignorance, people believe in superstitions like previous birth and rebirth. They think they are born untouchable as a result of their pre-birth. They dream that if they observe religious discipline and serve high-caste people in this birth they will be born as touchable in the next birth. In this context, it is important that the government try to make them educated and conscious. The untouchables suffer from inferiority complex as well as economic adversity. As a result, they have no positive attitude towards education. Hence, the government needs to implement special education programme for the uneducated and provide reservation of jobs in government/semi-government agencies to the educated in this community. They have come down to the level of untouchable for sticking to their traditional professions. Hence they should be imparted training in the country or abroad by the government to modernize their professions, make them competitive and income-generating and render them respectable.
It is necessary to bring in change in the national educational policy and make education easily accessible and vocational. Reading materials which encourage caste discrimination should be banned. Radio, TV and other mass media should not carry programmes which may give rise to caste animosity and segregation. They should not broadcast or publish things related to untouchability and detrimental to caste equality. Divisive quotes like " four classes and thirty-six castes "should be omitted. The untouchable castes could not fight against slavery to high-caste people owing to unscientific and orthodox values, launch organized movement for caste liberation and vanquish feudal practices. As a result, they are lost in religious illusion. To promote them through education and awareness meetings, documentary films, posters and other activities should be organized in different localities. The problem of untouchability is found to be more acute amidst people deprived of interaction owing to the lack of transport and communication. The programmes mentioned above can prove more effective in such a situation. It is necessary to develop transport and communication in remote areas and provide people facilities like hospitals, high schools, libraries, clubs, post-office and telephones. These facilities may help them get rid of evil manners and customs.
The existing constitution and laws guarantee caste equality and freedom. Only if column No 10 (ka) of civil code is strictly enforced to punish the act of discriminating persons on caste ground in utilizing public places, caste equality can be achieved to a great extent. In addition, it is also desirable to make legal provisions for strictest punishment and payment of compensation if someone practises untouchability and makes discrimination on caste ground.
In 1757, Prithvi Narayan Shah promoted a person from Duar to Putwar caste after the latter saved the former and took him to Gorkha during his invasion on Kirtipur. Ran Bahadur Shah, who opposed Hindu orthodox ideas, allowed people from all castes to eat together and enter temples. Jung Bahadur Rana converted Meche, an untouchable caste into a touchable one. Even now steps should be taken at the state level to abolish caste system.
It is required to allow low-caste people to use their hereditary surnames instead of their professional ones while enroling at schools or getting citizenship certificates issued.
Inter-caste marriage can also prove to be a vital means of abolishing caste system. Blood relation helps to inculcate the feeling of oneness. Hence, caste system and untouchability can be quickly wiped out if inter-caste marriage is encouraged at the government level through incentives.
Employees and people's representatives are not trained in every part of Nepal. Instead, they are found to be the victims of social evils. As a result, it is not possible to propagate against caste untouchability. Hence trainers should be sent from the centre to establish coordination between employees and local inhabitants and explain the anti-untouchability laws. To organize eating together at common feasts can have positive impact on this issue.
Educated intellectuals and social leaders should set a model by treating untouchables as touchables. Other members of the society should also have sympathy, tolerance and human treatment with untouchables. It is necessary for all to live in unity and integrity. In political circle, untouchables should be represented from village to national levels.
The feeling of mutual goodwill is not found to exist among untouchables owing to caste discrimination within the community. It has weakened their struggle against the discrimination made by high-caste people and also the government. Instead of fighting for their liberation some of them claim themselves superior to others. The educated and conscious among untouchables should explain to their fellowman that they are not untouchable by their traditional professions. They should try to organize them, help them in getting rid of conservative and unscientific social traditions and establish equality and freedom. The untouchables should also try on their own to give up inferiority complex, get educated and inculcate moral sense within them in order to compete with high-cast people in every field.
[edit] Present conditionIn present day context, the caste system falls under Hindu varna system i.e., Brahmin, Kshatri, Vysya and Shudra respectively instead of following Muluki Ain's codification. Also many Tibeto Burman ethnic groups do not follow the caste system because they have their own culture, tradition, religion and values which do not fall under the caste system.
[edit] See alsoEthnicity and caste in Nepal
[edit] References1.^ [1] Khatry, Prem (1995) "The Manjani system of the Danuwar state of the of the Kamala Valley: a brief study of an egalitarian judiciary", Contributions to Nepalese Studies, Vol 1, No. 1 (January, 1995), pp. 43-55.
2.^ Drekmeier, Charles (1962) Kingship and community in early India. (Stanford: Stanford University Press), pp. 223 ff.[2]
3.^ http://www.riiti.com/2008-05-best_of_shukra_niti_-_by_sage_shukracharya.html
4.^ Hachhethu, Krishna "Nepal: Confronting Hindu identity", South Asian Journal, 2(October–December 2003), pp. .[3]
5.^ http://www.spinybabbler.org/traditional_arts/music/instruments.php Damai instruments
[edit] External linksInterview with Ian Martin
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